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valina [46]
2 years ago
14

He himself bore our sins in his body on the tree, that we might die to sin and live to righteousness. By his wounds you have bee

n healed.
Social Studies
1 answer:
Sladkaya [172]2 years ago
3 0

The sentence that is provided to us is from 'The Bible.' The person who is being addressed  in these lines is 'Jesus Christ.'

Jesus Christ died for us so we need to live for him in the way that he taught us. By the wounds that he suffered on his body, we have been healed of our sins and now we need to live a life of righteousness.

This verse has been removed from the New International Version (NIV). This verse was written by Peter. Accordingly to the Bible, we have been called into this world to live a life of righteousness. All the sins that we had have been washed away by the blood of Jesus Christ went he was crucified.        

Learn more about Jesus Christ from:

brainly.com/question/510889

#SPJ4

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Non-civic issues are those social problems whose resolution or treatment does not have the possibility of falling to the state or the government. Thus, these are problematic questions that do not have a public scope, or that may have it, but that their solution starts from the private sphere of society and not from the government or public policies.

Thus, for example, non-civic issues are alcoholism or drug addiction, since its resolution, although it may be promoted by the government, implies a fundamental decision on the part of individuals in their private sphere. Instead, civic issues may be, for example, infrastructure problems in a city, which require the sole will of the government for resolution.

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Was president Andrew Jackson Democratic or undemocratic and list at least 10 facts on both sides
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Such tendentious revisionism may provide a useful corrective to older enthusiastic assessments, but it fails to capture a larger historical tragedy: Jacksonian Democracy was an authentic democratic movement, dedicated to powerful, at times radical, egalitarian ideals—but mainly for white men.

Socially and intellectually, the Jacksonian movement represented not the insurgency of a specific class or region but a diverse, sometimes testy national coalition. Its origins stretch back to the democratic stirrings of the American Revolution, the Antifederalists of the 1780s and 1790s, and the Jeffersonian Democratic Republicans. More directly, it arose out of the profound social and economic changes of the early nineteenth century.

Recent historians have analyzed these changes in terms of a market revolution. In the Northeast and Old Northwest, rapid transportation improvements and immigration hastened the collapse of an older yeoman and artisan economy and its replacement by cash-crop agriculture and capitalist manufacturing. In the South, the cotton boom revived a flagging plantation slave economy, which spread to occupy the best lands of the region. In the West, the seizure of lands from Native Americans and mixed-blood Hispanics opened up fresh areas for white settlement and cultivation—and for speculation.

Not everyone benefited equally from the market revolution, least of all those nonwhites for whom it was an unmitigated disaster. Jacksonianism, however, would grow directly from the tensions it generated within white society. Mortgaged farmers and an emerging proletariat in the Northeast, nonslaveholders in the South, tenants and would-be yeomen in the West—all had reasons to think that the spread of commerce and capitalism would bring not boundless opportunities but new forms of dependence. And in all sections of the country, some of the rising entrepreneurs of the market revolution suspected that older elites would block their way and shape economic development to suit themselves.


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