Probably because of Louis XIV.
Answer:
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Explanation:
It had a separate assembly for each of the three estates (clergy, nobility and commoners), which were called and dismissed by the king. It had no true power in its own right—unlike the English parliament it was not required to approve royal taxation or legislation —instead it functioned as an advisory body to the king, primarily by presenting petitions from the various estates and consulting on fiscal policy. The Estates General met intermittently until 1614 and only once afterwards, in 1789, but was not definitively dissolved until after the French Revolution. It was distinct from the provincial parlements (the most powerful of which was the Parliament of Paris) which started as appellate courts but later used their powers to decide whether to publish laws to claim a legislative role.
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Answer:
The Continental soldiers were not paid, or were only paid a fraction of what they were owed. Many held out for the promise of what Congress owed them, only to fall victim to speculators and soaring prices. Some were even forced into outright rebellion when they could no longer afford the very land they fought for.
Women partook in all the antebellum changes, from abolition to transcendentalism. From multiple points of view, traditional perspectives on women as nurturers caused them to invest themselves in this.
A few women pushed a considerably larger job for themselves and other women by teaching youngsters and men what they called strong republican standards.
It was, though, by working towards the goal of abolitionism that many women saw their situation as not very different of those who were of black skin.
Even though they were doing something revolutionary and pushing towards the freedom of black people, most abolitionists were still men of their time, with this idea that there were gender roles. Also, those old white man would frequently keep women and blacks from getting an administration position in the American Anti-Slavery Society.
In the early 1930s, as the nation slid toward the depths of depression, the future of organized labor seemed bleak. In 1933, the number of labor union members was around 3 million, compared to 5 million a decade before. Most union members in 1933 belonged to skilled craft unions, most of which were affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL).
The union movement had failed in the previous 50 years to organize the much larger number of laborers in such mass production industries as steel, textiles, mining, and automobiles. These, rather than the skilled crafts, were to be the major growth industries of the first half of the 20th century.
Although the future of labor unions looked grim in 1933, their fortunes would soon change. The tremendous gains labor unions experienced in the 1930s resulted, in part, from the pro-union stance of the Roosevelt administration and from legislation enacted by Congress during the early New Deal. The National Industrial Recovery Act (1933) provided for collective bargaining. The 1935 National Labor Relations Act (also known as the Wagner Act) required businesses to bargain in good faith with any union supported by the majority of their employees. Meanwhile, the Congress of Industrial Organizations split from the AFL and became much more aggressive in organizing unskilled workers who had not been represented before. Strikes of various kinds became important organizing tools of the CIO.
