Two things had been uppermost in the minds of Adams and Monroe. In 1821 the Russian czar had proclaimed that all the area north of the fifty-first parallel and extending one hundred miles into the Pacific would be off-limits to non-Russians. Adams had refused to accept this claim, and he told the Russian minister that the United States would defend the principle that the ‘American continents are no longer subjects of any new European colonial establishments.’
More worrisome, however, was the situation in Central and South America. Revolutions against Spanish rule had been under way for some time, but it seemed possible that Spain and France might seek to reassert European rule in those regions. The British, meanwhile, were interested in ensuring the demise of Spanish colonialism, with all the trade restrictions that Spanish rule involved. British foreign secretary George Canning formally proposed, therefore, that London and Washington unite on a joint warning against intervention in Latin America. When the Monroe cabinet debated the idea, Adams opposed it, arguing that British interests dictated such a policy in any event, and that Canning’s proposal also called upon the two powers to renounce any intention of annexing such areas as Cuba and Texas. Why should the United States, he asked, appear as a cockboat trailing in the wake of a British man-of-war?
In the decades following Monroe’s announcement, American policymakers did not invoke the doctrine against European powers despite their occasional military ‘interventions’ in Latin America. Monroe’s principal concern had been to make sure that European mercantilism not be reimposed on an area of increasing importance economically and ideologically to the United States. When, however, President John Tyler used the doctrine in 1842 to justify seizing Texas, a Venezuelan newspaper responded with what would become an increasingly bitter theme throughout Latin America: ‘Beware, brothers, the wolf approaches the lambs.’
Secretary of State William H. Seward attempted a bizarre use of the doctrine in 1861 in hopes of avoiding the Civil War. The United States, said Seward, in order to divert attention from the impending crisis, should challenge supposed European interventions in the Western Hemisphere by launching a drive to liberate Cuba and end the last vestiges of colonialism in the Americas. President Lincoln turned down the idea.
In the 1890s, the United States, once again by unilateral action, extended the doctrine to include the right to decide how a dispute between Venezuela and Great Britain over the boundaries of British Guiana should be settled. Secretary of State Richard Olney told the British, ‘Today the United States is practically sovereign on this continent and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition…. its infinite resources combined with its isolated position render it master of the situation and practically invulnerable as against any or all other powers.’ The British, troubled by the rise of Germany and Japan, could only acquiesce in American pretensions. But Latin American nations protested the way in which Washington had chosen to ‘defend’ Venezuelan interests.
<span>Answer:
Amid the twelfth and thirteenth hundreds of years, colleges emerged in the real European urban communities. These colleges took care of the demand for training in the seven human sciences—language structure, talk, rationale, cosmology, geometry, number-crunching, and music—instruction that turned into a critical way to professional success. Colleges gaining practical experience in the higher orders—law at Bologna, pharmaceutical at Salerno, and religious philosophy and theory at Paris—moved toward becoming places for scholarly civil argument. The twelfth century philosophical school known as Scholasticism grew new frameworks of rationale in light of Europeans' rediscovery of Aristotle from Islamic and Jewish sources. Researchers faced off regarding how people can know truth—regardless of whether learning of truth happens through confidence, through human reason and examination, or through some mix of the two means. Albeit none of these researchers denied Christian truth as it was uncovered in the Bible, a few, for example, Anselm of Canterbury, set confidence before reason. Others, for example, Peter Abelard, put reason first. The colossal thirteenth century Dominican savant Thomas Aquinas delivered a splendid union of confidence and reason, while a gathering of rationalists called nominalists addressed whether human dialect could precisely depict reality. These investigation into the idea of information added to logical request, clear in the test hypotheses of English researcher and thinker Roger Bacon (1214?- 1294).
In the mean time, many individuals looked for a more otherworldly, all encompassing knowledge of the world than what was offered through the insightfulness or through standard church customs. Visionaries and reformers made new requests, for example, the Cistercians, Franciscans, and Dominicans. Holy person Francis of Assisi rejected the urban realism of his folks and nearby church. He built up a vagabond, or hobo, way of life for the supporters of his congregation endorsed arrange—Franciscan monks for men and the Poor Clares for ladies. Numerous religious scholars in the 1200s were affected by the before reasoning of Christian Neoplatonism, a union of Plato's standards and Christian magic. Under that impact, they dismissed the Aristotelian concentrate on supporting religion and trusted God's perfect disclosure could best be comprehended through understanding. The Cistercian Bernard of Clairvaux, who passed on in 1153, expected that Abelard's academic rationale would stifle genuine profound comprehension. Afterward, Bonaventure, a Franciscan who lived from 1221 to 1274, built up a magical reasoning managing Christians toward consideration of the perfect domain of God.
Well known religion additionally mirrored this social and religious mature. A great many people in medieval Europe were Christian by submersion during childbirth and took an interest in chapel ceremonies for the duration of their lives. They did retribution for sins, went to Mass, and went on journeys to blessed locales containing relics of holy people. In the urban communities, laypeople started looking for a more extraordinary religious experience to offset the realism of their urban lives. Many were drawn into new religious developments, not which were all affirmed by the congregation. This prompted strife between chapel instructed universal lessons and practices and apostasy, convictions and practices that were denounced as false by the congregation and considered a risk to Christendom. Like the religious requests, sins, for example, the Cathars (otherwise called the Albigensians), the Waldensians, and the Spiritual Franciscans accentuated otherworldly life; be that as it may, they likewise condemned the congregation's realism and tested its power. For example, the Cathars dismissed the body as abhorrent and saw no requirement for clerics. Church pioneers censured them as apostates, while mainstream rulers, keen on stifling neighborhood uprisings against their power, completed a military campaign to crush their fortifications in southern France. The congregation, whose principle and request were debilitated by these gatherings, selected evangelists, for example, the Dominicans to educate rectify regulation and furthermore appointed inquisitors to recognize blasphemers and suggest them for discipline.</span>
Answer:
The answer is option C "They have lower voter turnout than presidential elections"
Explanation:
Elections for government federal offices are held in the US twice a year. Since the president of the US is chosen for a long term period, one of these election will happen in the President's long term of office. It is these decisions that are known as "midterm elections."During a midterm political race all the 435 individuals from the Place of Agents are on the ballot and 33% or at least 30 of the 100 individuals from the Senate.
The explanation as to just a single third of the Senate is on the ballot is that Representatives serve long terms of office and the writers of the Constitution needed to guarantee that they were not all moved out at one time.
The president. The president is the chief executive of the U.S. government. Glad I could help :)
