1answer.
Ask question
Login Signup
Ask question
All categories
  • English
  • Mathematics
  • Social Studies
  • Business
  • History
  • Health
  • Geography
  • Biology
  • Physics
  • Chemistry
  • Computers and Technology
  • Arts
  • World Languages
  • Spanish
  • French
  • German
  • Advanced Placement (AP)
  • SAT
  • Medicine
  • Law
  • Engineering
oksian1 [2.3K]
3 years ago
6

What sea is to the south of ancient Greece? \

History
2 answers:
zmey [24]3 years ago
7 0
The Mediterranean Sea is to the south of ancient Greece. 
Leno4ka [110]3 years ago
3 0
Mediterranean sea and the sea of Crete
You might be interested in
Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

5 0
3 years ago
Match the items
Vesna [10]

Answer:

1 = D, 2 = B, 3 =C, 4 = A

Explanation:

4 0
3 years ago
Describe the relationship between historical fact and religious belief, as it relates to the Exodus. in complete sentences
pishuonlain [190]
Monstrosities: Religion, Identity and Belief ... (With A. Shaw 1995) has been influential in relation ... He received his PhD in Religious Studies and History of New ... crucifix or images of jesus
5 0
3 years ago
One way in which the African kingdoms of Ghana, Mali, and Songhai were similiar was that they--
bazaltina [42]

Answer:

B

Explanation:

7 0
3 years ago
In what century did fascism spread to italy and spain?
boyakko [2]
1. 20th century
2. President Lyndon B. Johnson
3.a and b and d
3 0
3 years ago
Other questions:
  • What are the differences between the Roman republic and the Greek democracy? Select all that apply. In Rome, only men with money
    12·2 answers
  • African slavery began in the Americas in the 1500s when____________________ began bringing Africans to their colonies in the New
    11·2 answers
  • A candidate running for state governor has an ad on TV. The ad begins with a statement from the candidate about his or her commi
    6·2 answers
  • Why is artwork that shows a historical event not a good source of factual details about the event?
    8·1 answer
  • Why do you think John Burnett was sympathetic to the Cherokee?
    11·1 answer
  • How did world war I affected the struggle against colonial rule in africa?​
    8·1 answer
  • Why was Russia’s exit in world war 1 considered a turning point?
    12·2 answers
  • !!ASAP PLS 20 PTS!! Which of the following best describes the significance of the Voting Rights Act of 1965?
    6·1 answer
  • In the 1960s, television, folk music, and music festivals helped spread
    5·2 answers
  • HELP ASAP PLSS!!
    15·1 answer
Add answer
Login
Not registered? Fast signup
Signup
Login Signup
Ask question!