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beks73 [17]
3 years ago
13

Please help me !!

History
1 answer:
makkiz [27]3 years ago
7 0
It’s a or b but Ik it’s not c !
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Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

5 0
2 years ago
In your opinion, should the government control population? Why or why not?
jenyasd209 [6]

Answer: No.

Explanation: Because of how badly they treat us, they act as if we are rabbits in an experiment, it's morally wrong.

5 0
3 years ago
Read 2 more answers
What is an Islamist extremist?
Likurg_2 [28]

Answer: Islamic extremism, Islamist extremism, or radical Islam refer to extremist beliefs associated with the religion of Islam. These are controversial terms with varying definitions, ranging from academic understandings to the idea that all ideologies other than Islam have failed and are inferior to Islam.[1] This can also extend to other sects of Islam that do not share such beliefs. Political definitions include the one used by the government of the United Kingdom, which understands Islamic extremism as any form of Islam that opposes "democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance of different faiths and beliefs".[2]

It is not to be confused with Islamic fundamentalism or Islamism, the former defined as a movement of Muslims who are of the view that Muslim-majority countries should return to the fundamentals of an Islamic state (though some see Islamic fundamentalism as a form of Islamic extremism) and the latter being a type of political Islam. Islamic terrorism or jihadism is very often the result of Islamic extremism, although not in every case.

3 0
2 years ago
Read 2 more answers
How did Portuguese slave trading off the western coast of Africa help contribute to the development of slavery in the Americas?
zmey [24]

Answer:

The Colonist (later the Americans) and the Portuguese were able to trade especially salves easily across the atlantic ocean making. hope this helps

Explanation:

7 0
3 years ago
How did the war of 1812 intensify the problems between the Indian and the white man?
Furkat [3]

Answer:

The War of 1812 formally began on June 18, 1812 when President James Madison signed the Declaration of War against the United Kingdom. The war was fought for a number of reasons including trade restrictions, the impressment of American merchant sailors into the Royal Navy, the United States trying to annex Canada, but also because the British were supporting Native Americans in their fight against American expansion.  Let’s face it, many history books miss the main point of the War of 1812 and some even have said the most important thing to come out of the War of 1812 was “The Star Spangled Banner.” The war was in fact a major turning point for Native Americans who were struggling to stop white settlers from encroaching on their land.  After the War of 1812, the United States negotiated more than 200 treaties with Indian nations that involved ceding land, 99 of those resulted in the creation of reservations west of the Mississippi River, reports PBS.org. The Treaty of Ghent—signed on December 24, 1814—ended the war and returned things between the United States and Britain to the way they were before the war.

Explanation:

5 0
2 years ago
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