<span>Had no power of taxation remained with the states. However, Congress had the power to maintain military forces, declare war, coin currency, handle Indian affairs and create a postal service.</span>
<span>Toward mid-century the country experienced its first major religious revival. The Great Awakening swept the English-speaking world, as religious energy vibrated between England, Wales, Scotland and the American colonies in the 1730s and 1740s. In America, the Awakening signaled the advent of an encompassing evangelicalism--the belief that the essence of religious experience was the "new birth," inspired by the preaching of the Word. It invigorated even as it divided churches. The supporters of the Awakening and its evangelical thrust--Presbyterians, Baptists and Methodists--became the largest American Protestant denominations by the first decades of the nineteenth century. Opponents of the Awakening or those split by it--Anglicans, Quakers, and Congregationalists--were left behind.</span>
President Donald Trump on Thursday, March 1, announced that his administration planned to impose a 25% tariff on imported steel and a 10% tariff on imported aluminum. His argument was rooted in the notion that other countries' trade practices have undermined U.S. production and could potentially compromise national security at home.
While protectionists and free trade advocates erupted into a fierce debate, the stock market tumbled. The Dow Jones Industrial Average shed 420 points, or 1.68%, on Thursday, the S&P 500 lost 1.33% and the Nasdaq declined 1.27%.
It's important, then, to know how important steel and aluminum are to the U.S. economy.
After all, as much as 55% of a car's total weight comes from steel, according to the World Steel Association. Roughly 50% of steel use goes toward buildings and infrastructure. And about 16% of steel goes toward making mechanical equipment.
In practical presidential politics the outstanding question of the day is whether President Coolidge will be a candidate for renomination and reelection in 1928. The President has given no indication of his own attitude, nor is it likely that any direct announcement of his intention to be or not to be a candidate will be forthcoming until shortly in advance of the Republican National Convention. A premature announcement that he was not a candidate would measurably weaken, if not destroy, the President's influence with the leaders of his party, while an announcement of his candidacy would provide definite basis for the organization, both within and without the party, of opposition to his renomination and reelection.
Nicholas Murray Butler, in an address six weeks ago in which he described himself as “a working Republican who is both a personal friend and a political supporter of President Coolidge,” said he was taking it for granted “that when he thinks the right time has come he will make public statement of his unwillingness to have his name considered in connection with the Republican presidential nomination of 1928.” The President's good common sense, Dr. Butler believed, would dictate against “inviting certain defeat through injecting the third term issue into the campaign.”
As early as July 1926, the late Senator Albert Cummins, following his defeat and the defeat of other administration senators in the senatorial primaries, had expressed the opinion in a widely published statement that the President would not be a candidate in 1928, that he would have “had enough of it by that time.” Neither the Cummins statement, nor the Butler speech seven months later both of which were interpreted as “an effort to smoke out the President” brought any announcement from the White House of the President's attitude toward his renomination.
Agencies that are outside presidential control and separate from a traditional department. independent regulatory commissions do not report to the president, independent agencies do.
