<u>Domesticity movement</u> promoted piety and virtue of women during the 1800’s. women were to work in the homes and men were the wage-earners.
The "cult of domesticity," or "genuine womanhood," changed into an idealized set of societal standards placed on women of the past due 19th century. Piety, purity, submissiveness, and domesticity have been the mark of femininity in the course of this period.
The ideology of domesticity defined guys as evidently competitive and aggressive companies-traits appropriate to a public global of expanding business capitalism and to their obligations as breadwinners-at the same time as it described girls as obviously appropriate to home existence thru their incli country to compassion and piety.
The culture of Domesticity (regularly shortened to Cult of Domesticity) or Cult of True Womanhood is a term utilized by historians to describe what they recollect to have been a prevailing cost device in many of the higher and middle lessons at some point of the 19th century within the America.
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positive 1 added with positive 1 equals positive 2
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Mark as brainliest
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symbolic presence in international legal accounts of the 19th century, but for historians of the era its importance has often been doubted. This article seeks to re-interpret the place of the Berlin General Act in late 19th-century history, suggesting that the divergence of views has arisen largely as a consequence of an inattentiveness to the place of systemic logics in legal regimes of this kind.
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Articles
INTRODUCTION
The Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884-1885 has assumed a canonical place in historical accounts of late 19th-century imperialism 1 and this is no less true of the accounts provided by legal scholars seeking to trace the colonial origins of contemporary international law. 2 The overt purpose of the Conference was to ‘manage’ the ongoing process of colonisation in Africa (the ‘Scramble’ as it was dubbed by a Times columnist) so as to avoid the outbreak of armed conflict between rival colonial powers. Its outcome was the conclusion of a General Act 3 ratified by all major colonial powers including the US. 4 Among other things, the General Act set out the conditions under which territory might be acquired on the coast of Africa; it internationalised two rivers (the Congo and the Niger); it orchestrated a new campaign to abolish the overland trade in slaves; and it declared as ‘neutral’ a vast swathe of Central Africa delimited as the ‘conventional basin of the Congo’. A side event was the recognition given to King Leopold’s fledgling Congo Free State that had somewhat mysteriously emerged out of the scientific and philanthropic activities of the Association internationale du Congo . 5
If for lawyers and historians the facts of the Conference are taken as a common starting point, this has not prevented widely divergent interpretations of its significance from emerging. On one side, one may find an array of international lawyers, from John Westlake 6 in the 19th century to Tony Anghie 7 in the 21 st century, affirming the importance of the Conference and its General Act for having created a legal and political framework for the subsequent partition of Africa. 8 For Anghie, Berlin ‘transformed Africa into a conceptual terra nullius ’, silencing native resistance through the subordination of their claims to sovereignty, and providing, in the process, an effective ideology of colonial rule. It was a conference, he argues, ‘which determined in important ways the future of the continent and which continues to have a profound influence on the politics of contemporary Africa’. 9
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Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla
