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Flura [38]
2 years ago
9

4. HISTORY During World War I, it was a crime to criticize the president or the war effort. Would a court today find such a law

as a
constitutionally valid interpretation of the First Amendment? Why or why not?
History
2 answers:
kenny6666 [7]2 years ago
7 0

Answer:

watch me wep watch me neyney ey

Lostsunrise [7]2 years ago
7 0
Back then seditious libel against government officials was really a denied freedom. It’s safe to say nowadays people are welcome to critique the presidents policies and affairs openly. Yes they would find it valid because the structure of the constitution is what we base our legal codes, there are 5 freedoms that come with free speech and the government can’t deny that liberty.
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Which of the following statements is a correct implication of the author's argument?
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The executive power has grown thanks to the social perception of international crisis. Additionally, this has caused the three branches of public power to weaken.

The central theme of the text is the transformation that the central executive power of the United States has had, influenced by different factors such as:

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These events have caused the presidency of the United States to acquire more power to make decisions. One of the important aspects of this transformation is international politics because the influence of the international crisis made the executive branch grow in importance.

This deepened an internal crisis between the balance of powers, because the executive branch acquired more power in foreign affairs and this situation is being projected onto the national scene of the United States.

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Note: This question is missing because the text is missing.

In the last years presidential primacy, so indispensable to the political order, has turned into presidential supremacy. The constitutional Presidency—as events so apparently disparate as the Indochina War and the Watergate affair showed, has become the imperial Presidency and threatens to be the revolutionary Presidency. . . . The imperial Presidency was essentially the creation of foreign policy. A combination of doctrines and emotions—belief in the permanent and universal crisis, fear of communism, faith in the duty and right of the United States to intervene swiftly in every part of the world—had brought about the unprecedented centralization of decisions. Prolonged war in Vietnam strengthened the tendencies toward both centralization and exclusion. So the imperial Presidency grew at the expense of the constitutional order. Like the cowbird, it hatched its own eggs and pushed the others out of the nest. And, as it overwhelmed the traditional separation of powers in foreign affairs, it began to aspire toward an equivalent centralization of power in the domestic polity.

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