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Dahasolnce [82]
3 years ago
15

What did James L. Farmer, Hector P. Garcia, and Lulu Belle Madison White have in common?

History
2 answers:
7nadin3 [17]3 years ago
6 0
B
They were all civil rights activist
vitfil [10]3 years ago
4 0
The answer to this question is D
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In what ways do temperance and health reforms offer reflections on the changes in the United States before the Civil War? What n
Alexus [3.1K]

Answer:

First, all three movements gained popularity with the middle classes. Second, All three movements were a product of the urban, rural divide in America. Third, all three movements had racial elements. The Temperance Movement grew out of the Second Great Awakening religious revival, as did Abolition. Temperance in the early 1800s transitioned from reduction of use of hard spirits to total abstinence. This reform movement was resisted by recent urban immigrant groups from Ireland and Germany because it ran counter to their cultural experience much as prohibition in the 20th century ran counter to the cultural experience of Southern and Eastern European immigrants. It was thought that drink was the cause of all evils in urban life. As in the other movements there was a racist component not far underneath the avowed purpose. The Health Reform Movement also focused on middle class fears of diseases like cholera and yellow fever emanating from garbage and filth in slums inhabited by recent immigrants. The movement had some basis in science as it advocated cleaning slum areas and providing clean water to slums as a city government service. Again the racist assumption was that immigrants woul not clean their own residential areas without public action. At the time the middle class paid private companies to carry away trash and cart in clean water for their use. The fear of cholera prompted health reform. Phrenology was a pseudo science claiming that. The shape of the head determined characteristics of the individual. It was later used by racists to support bogus theories of racial inferiority. So these movements aided Antebellum Americans in defining cultural norms and maintaining the status quo regarding racial hierarchies.

Explanation:

6 0
3 years ago
Durante la lectura, subraya o resalta los valores que señala el autor e identifica las situaciones con que los relaciona. A medi
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7 0
3 years ago
Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

5 0
3 years ago
Why is the amendment process in the Constitution an example of federalism?
kirza4 [7]

Answer:

the last one

Explanation:

please mark me as brainliest thank you

8 0
3 years ago
Read 2 more answers
Select all of the following that describes Andrew Carnegie. Select all that apply.
Phantasy [73]

Answer:

He donated large amounts of money to charity. He controlled a large share of the steel industry.

Explanation:

Andrew Carnegie used the latest inventions for steel production at the steel company he created, whose plant was built in Pennsylvania near the junction of several railways. He was the first to start manufacturing large steel structures. Carnegie was the first to use the vertical integration method in his company: he simultaneously owned mines in Minnesota where iron ore was mined, steamers on the Great Lakes for its transportation, coal mines and furnaces for coke production, railways for transporting coke and ore to Pennsylvania and steel mill located there. By 1900, Carnegie's company was producing more steel than the whole of Great Britain and he controlled almost the whole US steel industry.

After retiring, Carnegie took up charity work. He developed a theory according to which a person should devote the first part of his life to earning and accumulating money, and the second - to the distribution of money. Andrew Carnegie's main area of charitable investment was libraries. Carnegie also invested in the construction of concert halls, in the creation of scientific and educational centers, in support of students and teachers.  

5 0
3 years ago
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