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Ann [662]
2 years ago
13

How did Washington feel about multiple parties in the newly-founded nation?

History
1 answer:
kobusy [5.1K]2 years ago
6 0

Answer:

  • Washington recognizes that it is natural for people to organize and operate within groups such as political parties, but he also argues that every government has recognized political parties as an enemy and has sought to repress them because of their tendency to seek more power than other groups and to take revenge on ...
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What are three changes that happened during the decolonization of africa
yan [13]

Answer:

Explanation:

On April 8, 2008 Dr. Elizabeth Schmidt, professor of history at Loyola College in Maryland and Dr. Gregory Mann, professor of history at Columbia University, presented summaries of their most recent books Cold War and Decolonization of Guinea, 1946-1958 (2007) and Native Sons: West African Veterans and France in the Twentieth Century (2006).

In September 1958 Guinea claimed its independence by rejecting the French Constitution that would have given French colonies a subservient position in the French Union. Rejection of the constitution meant, as French President Charles DeGaulle had made clear, immediate independence. In her analysis of Guinea's path to independence, Schmidt addressed several key issues including the agency of grass root activists, the French reaction to the unexpected secession, and the post-referendum rise of Sékou Touré as a dictatorial leader. According to Schmidt, all these factors, placed in the context of the Cold War, stirred certain attitudes among French and international elites and shaped the process of decolonization in Guinea. Being the only colony to cast a "no-vote" in favor of direct independence, Guinea is recognized as a unique case, Schimdt stated. The historical roots of this outcome, however, still remain obscure. In Schimdt's terms Guinea's decision could only be understood in the broader politics of the Cold War in France, where the communist threat determined to a varying degree the country's foreign policy.

Guinea's break of constitutional ties with France was the result of an intense, almost 10 years long struggle among different groups in the country including the ruling elite, the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) leadership, and the grassroots activists. In 1958 the RDA had already turned away from its alliance with communists, and Guinea had rebuilt its own party from within. Initially, scholars attributed the victory of the "no-vote" to the strong leadership of the Guinean RDA. Early studies considered the party to be static and deemed its actions as entirely motivated by its leader - Sékou Touré. Scholars often rendered the Guinean path to independence as a "top-down" affair. In Schmidt's perspective, this misconception stems from the influence that Sékou Touré attained post-independence. Although he was an opportunist and a pragmatist, evidence and analysis suggest that organized grassroots activists compelled him to accept the "no-vote."

Following Guinea's independence, the French retaliated by moving out of the former colony and bringing its development to an utter halt. This reaction ran counter to Sékou Touré's plans. He did not intend to sever ties with France completely, but rather sought recognition for Guinea as an equal member in the international community. In search for support, Guinea turned to the "East," and asked for aid from communist countries. France used this "left turn" as a retroactive justification for its initial condemnation of the former colony and pressured the "West" not to accept independent Guinea.

In conclusion, Schmidt posed the question, "If this moment was so progressive, how does one explain what happened afterwards – a one party state with no opposition?" The preconditions for the events that unfolded in Guinea post-independence could be traced to the pre-referendum period. There were not enough people to take on leadership roles, Schmidt explained, and Sékou Touré found himself in a position where too much power rested in his authority. French conspiracy plots aimed at toppling the regime gave Sékou Touré legitimate excuse to persecute not only those who participated on the side of the French, but also opposition leaders who threatened his power.

Christian Ostermann, Director, HAPP

Drafted by Kristina Terzieva

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3 years ago
When casting their votes is it more important for members of Congress to vote their conscience OR vote based on the will of the
aleksandrvk [35]

Answer:

with conscience because it is that the person who is judged or project that is involved could harm people or an entire town

Explanation:

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What are 5 different reform movements?
m_a_m_a [10]
Women's Rights. Civil Rights. Conservation<span>. Labor Reform. Government Reform. Health and Medicine.</span>
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Which federal law, passed by woodrow wilson during world war i, was enacted to catch german spies and informants and restrict fr
Naily [24]
The espionage and sedition act of 1918. The Sedition Act of 1918 was an Act of the United States Congress that extended the Espionage Act of 1917 to cover a broader range of offences, notably speech and the expression of opinion that cast the government or the war effort in a negative light or interfered with the sale of government bonds.<span />
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3 years ago
What groups were excluded from this widening of political opportunity? Why?
Vanyuwa [196]
The groups that would be excluded from this widening of political opportunity would be any group that is denied the right to vote, whether this means they are oppressed or in prison, etc. 
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