“Crime” is not a phenomenon that can be defined according to any objective set of criteria. Instead, what a particular state, legal regime, ruling class or collection of dominant social forces defines as “crime” in any specific society or historical period will reflect the political, economic and cultural interests of such forces. By extension, the interests of competing political, economic or cultural forces will be relegated to the status of “crime” and subject to repression,persecution and attempted subjugation. Those activities of an economic, cultural or martial nature that are categorized as “crime” by a particular system of power and subjugation will be those which advance the interests of the subjugated and undermine the interests of dominant forces. Conventional theories of criminology typically regard crime as the product of either “moral” failing on the part of persons labeled as “criminal,” genetic or biological predispositions towards criminality possessed by such persons, “social injustice” or“abuse” to which the criminal has previously been subjected, or some combination of these. (Agnew and Cullen, 2006) All of these theories for the most part regard the “criminal as deviant” perspective offered by established interests as inherently legitimate, though they may differ in their assessments concerning the matter of how such “deviants” should be handled. The principal weakness of such theories is their failure to differentiate the problem of anti-social or predatory individual behavior<span> per se</span><span> from the matter of “crime” as a political, legal, economic and cultural construct. All human groups, from organized religions to outlaw motorcycle clubs, typically maintain norms that disallow random or unprovoked aggression by individuals against other individuals within the group, and a system of penalties for violating group norms. Even states that have practiced genocide or aggressive war have simultaneously maintained legal prohibitions against “common” crimes. Clearly, this discredits the common view of the state’s apparatus of repression and control (so-called “criminal justice systems”) as having the protection of the lives, safety and property of innocents as its primary purpose.</span>
Answer:
Although many political changes occurred in and around 476 CE, many cultural and social functions of the Roman Empire continued. The end of the Roman Empire represents a slow decline reflecting a natural progression of society rather than an abrupt end of power.
Answer: Wilson's 14 points had done little to influence any future legislation, as congress had ultimately rejected most of his 14 points, while the Treaty of Versailles had also rejected most of these points. His most prominent of the 14 points, which was the League of Nations, had also been rejected completely. So, after the Treaty of Versailles, many of Wilson's 14 points were not used at all.
Explanation:
The correct answer to this open question is the following.
What responsibilities, if any, do Americans have to promote representative democracy and constitutional government in other nations?
The United States has no responsibility to promote democracy in other countries because that would be intromission in other nations. In today's world, that is not acceptable. Every country is autonomous and has its own right to establish the best form of government their citizens approve.
What the US can do is to be an example of a democratic government by its actions and legislation. It can show other countries the possibilities that democracy offers. However, every country has its own problems and challenges, including the US. That is why it is important to respect the sovereignty of each country.
