Answer:
observer effects.
Explanation:
Observer effects refer to a form of reaction due to the cognitive bias of a researcher causes an unconscious influence on the participants involved in the research. In other words, the observers see a behavior and interpret it according to what it means to them, while not considering the context in which the participant behaved that way.
<em>The Declaration of Independence establishes the values of the United States of America. It says that "all men are created equal" and have the right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Further, it states the purpose of government is to protect these values.</em>
Elaboration/Explanation:
One big source for Jefferson was John Locke. Locke’s Second Treatise of Government built upon mutual respect for property rights. All free men own property and therefore deserve some rights. The more property, the more rights. Locke like Jefferson believed that kings only earned respect for their rights when they respected the rights and privileges of their subjects.
Jefferson, of course, took this further. He, Franklin, and some other founding fathers essentially ran in radical English circles. Therefore some rights were so important that they do not accrue according to property ownership. Hence, all men were created equal in some respects; even though major property holders were more equal. All men deserved the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Of course, Jefferson understood that large landholders exercised the rights of gentry to guide their poorer neighbors.
Answer:
YES
Explanation:
Because “At no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today,” Roosevelt admitted, but he still had hope for a future that would encompass the “four essential human freedoms”—including freedom from fear. And when Pearl Harbor was attacked at the end of that year, news reports from the time showed that Americans indeed responded with determination more than fear.
Nearly three quarters of a century later, a poll released in December found that Americans are more fearful of terrorism than at any point since Sept. 11, 2001. And while recent events like the attacks in ISIS-inspired attacks in Paris and the fatal shootings in San Bernardino, Calif. may have Americans particularly on edge, experts say that Roosevelt’s advice has gone unheeded for sometime. “My research starts in the 1980s and goes more or less till now, and there have been very high fear levels in the U.S. continuously,” says Barry Glassner, president of Lewis & Clark college and author of The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things.
Firm data on fear levels only go back so far, so it’s hard to isolate a turning point. Gallup polls on fear of terrorism only date to about the time of the Oklahoma City Bombing in 1995. (At that point, 42% of respondents were very or somewhat worried about terrorism; the post-9/11 high mark for that question is 59% in October of 2001, eight percentage points above last month’s number.) Other questionnaires about fear of terrorism date back to the early 1980s, following the rise of global awareness of terrorism in the previous decade, as Carl Brown of Cornell University’s Roper Center public opinion archives points out. Academics who study fear use materials like letters and newspaper articles to fill in the gaps, and those documents can provide valuable clues.
