not sure if this helps but I hope it does
sorry its so long
To date erosion scientists have failed to address — or have addressed inadequately — some of the ‘big questions’ of our discipline. For example, where is erosion occurring? Why is it happening, and who is to blame? How serious is it? Who does it affect? What should be the response? Can we prevent it? What are the costs of erosion? Our inability or reluctance to answer such questions damages our credibility and is based on weaknesses in commonly-used approaches and the spatial and temporal scales at which much research is carried out. We have difficulty in the recognition, description and quantification of erosion, and limited information on the magnitude and frequency of events that cause erosion. In particular there has been a neglect of extreme events which are known to contribute substantially to total erosion. The inadequacy and frequent misuse of existing data leaves us open to the charge of exaggeration of the erosion problem (a la Lomborg).
Models need to be developed for many purposes and at many scales. Existing models have proved to be of limited value, in the real as opposed to the academic world, both because of problems with the reliability of their results, and difficulties (with associated costs) of acquiring suitable data. However, there are some positive signs: models are now being developed for purposes including addressing questions of off-site impacts and land-use policy. Cheap, reliable and technically simple methods of erosion assessment at the field scale are needed. At the global scale, an up-date of GLASOD based on a scientific approach is urgent so that we are at least able to identify erosion ‘hotspots’.
In terms of explanation of erosion, the greatest need is for a full recognition of the importance of socio-economic drivers. The accession of new countries to the EU with different economic and land-use histories emphasises this need. Too often we have left people, especially the farmers, out of the picture. Our approach could be characterised as ‘data-rich and people-poor’.
Abstract
The distribution of wealth in the world is manifested by the polarization of a rich North and a poor South. Is the North-South conflict increasing or decreasing, and does it depend on such variables as major power conflict, intra-Northern conflict, and world prosperity, as some schools of thought maintain? Focusing on these questions from a leadership-long cycle perspective suggests several hypotheses about the interrelationships between global economic growth, Northern antagonism, and North-South conflict. The effect of conflict on growth is also examined. Generating data on world economic growth and major power conflict, intra-Northern conflict, and North-South conflict for the period from 1870 to 1992, vector auto-regression analysis is used to test new hypotheses. Results provide considerable support for the new hypotheses, provide mixed support for the previous arguments, and show that the relationship between world economic growth and conflict is not the same before and after World War II.
Answer: what was the question tho
Answer:
La Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzó en Europa el 1 de septiembre de 1939, cuando Alemania invadió Polonia. Gran Bretaña y Francia respondieron declarando la guerra a Alemania el 3 de septiembre. La guerra entre la U.R.S.S. y Alemania comenzó el 22 de junio de 1941 con la Operación Barbarroja, la invasión alemana de la Unión Soviética.
espero que esto ayude
It told them about who the newly discovered and the to be discovered lands will belong to: so not to the country that would conquer them.
Specifically, it divided America among the meridian of 370 leagues of Portuguese Cape Verde: west of this line (most of Americas) would belong to Spain and east (Africa, Brazil) would belong to Brazil.