Question

2. What is the relationship between the underlined sentence and the bolded sentences? In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: (1) Collection of the facts to determine whether injustices are alive; (2) Negotiation; (3) Self-purification; and (4) Direct action. We have gone through all of these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying of the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of police brutality is known in every section of this country. Its unjust treatment of Negroes in the courts is a notorious reality. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than any city in this nation. These are the hard, brutal, and unbelievable facts. On the basis of these conditions Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the political leaders consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation. Response:

Answer 1

Having given his legal justification for being in Birmingham, Dr. King then provides a greater reason for his presence: “I am here because injustice is here.” He compares the SCLC to 8th century prophets who carried the word of Jesus far away from their homes, and himself implicitly to Paul of Tarsus, who brought the gospel to “the far corners of the Greco-Roman world.” Dr. King is attempting to carry “the gospel of freedom” to areas far and wide (170).

He further argues that “all communities and states” are interrelated. As a man devoted to justice, he cannot ignore injustice simply because it happens outside of his hometown. “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere,” since everyone feels the sting of injustice, even if indirectly. As a result, nobody in the United States should ever be considered an outsider anywhere else in the country (170).

Following this, Dr. King gently chides the clergymen, for criticizing the demonstrations without simultaneously criticizing “the conditions [of racial discrimination] that brought about the demonstrations.” Knowing that they would not suggest a “social analysis” that only studies effects and not causes, he suggests they must not realize the extent to which Birmingham’s “white power structure” has left the black community no option but to demonstrate (170-171).

Dr. King then describes in detail the process of organizing nonviolent action. These include investigating “whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action” (171).

He insists that all steps have been taken. Citing many facts of Birmingham’s singularly egregious institutionalized racism and segregation, he argues that the SCLC had little reason to doubt there was cause for demonstrations, especially after the city’s leaders “refused to engage in good-faith negotiation” (171).

He specifically describes an attempt in the previous September to meet with business leaders in Birmingham, and how several leaders of the SCLC agreed to cease demonstrations on the basis of promises that businesses across town would be integrated. However, these promises were never kept.

As a result, the SCLC planned to use “direct action,” meaning they would put themselves on the front lines of demonstrations to appeal to the local and national consciences. However, they first underwent the process of “self-purification,” holding workshops to ensure that they were prepared to proceed non-violently, to suffer arrest without allowing rage to consume them. After deciding they were capable of this approach, they chose Easter for the demonstrations, since it was a period of heavy shopping. The hope was that by targeting profits, they might facilitate more cooperation from business owners (171).

The SCLC plan was complicated when they realized that Birmingham’s mayoral election was soon happening. They decided to postpone demonstrations, to determine whether Eugene “Bull” Connor, a notoriously vicious racist, would win. He lost, but they decided to proceed.