Answer:
The rise of the Roman and Chinese empires were arduous and lengthy processes that took at least four centuries. In the eighth century BCE, the geopolitics of eastern Asia was similar to that of the eastern Mediterranean, which was populated by hundreds of tiny Greek city-states. Five years after the Greeks gathered for their first Olympic Game in 776 BCE, the host of centuries-old city-sized feudal states in China received a new company, Qin, the future empire builder. Eighteen years after the investiture of Qin, tradition had it that Rome was founded on the hills beside the River Tiber. The legend’s veracity is much questioned, but it was around this time that the Greek and Phoenician colonizers brought the model of city-state to the western Mediterranean and founded Carthage, Rome’s future arch enemy. The foundation of the Republic in 509 BCE was undoubtedly a turning point in Rome’s history. It too, found itself among a host of city-states in Italy.
Explanation:
<span>the answer is commissioned the creation of many sets of laws called Justinian's Rules that no one in the future would us a model </span>
The myth of the west and what the west actually is is different. People really didn’t think there was America but once they realized they there was America they thought that there were a bunch of savages that lives there
Answer:
in addition to being a political activist, Martin Luther King, Jr., was a Baptist minister.
Explanation:
Martin Luther King was an African American Baptist minister, political leader, and one of the most prominent members of the Civil Rights Movement.
King became famous in the 1950s and 1960s for his nonviolent resistance to racial segregation in the United States, including the march to Washington on August 28, 1963, and boycotting city buses that favored whites. His verbal and rhetorical skills and charismatic appearance earned him a lot of fame, but King also had enemies. During the 1963 demonstration, and on December 10, 1964, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
Answer:
During the late 1940s and early 1950s, the prospect of communist subversion at home and abroad seemed frighteningly real to many people in the United States. These fears came to define–and, in some cases, corrode–the era’s political culture. For many Americans, the most enduring symbol of this “Red Scare” was Republican Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin.
Explanation:
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