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True [87]
3 years ago
6

The term “civil” refers to the private rights of citizens. True or false

History
2 answers:
Fudgin [204]3 years ago
5 0
True
......................................
liubo4ka [24]3 years ago
3 0
False, it is just the rights that citizens have towards each other 
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What was the significance of the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842?
OLga [1]

Answer:

Europeans forced the Chinese to sign it, ending the first Opium War.

Explanation:

The first opium war is also known as the Anglo-Chinese War and the war was between Great Britain and China. The government officials in china banned opium trade and threatened to kill anyone that involve in the illegal trade.

The banned didn’t go down well with Britain because the British control the trade and felt that the threat by Chinese was a threat to Britain and this led to a war between the British and the Chinese.

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3 years ago
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Economia Política
zlopas [31]

Answer:

C

Apenas as afirmações I, II e IV estão corretas

Explanation:

O utilitarismo foi uma corrente filosófica do século XVIII que exerceu influência determinante sobre o desenvolvimento da teoria econômica dos séculos XIX e XX, de matriz neoclássica. Tendo Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) como seu principal expoente, o utilitarismo parte da máxima de que toda a motivação humana, em qualquer tempo e lugar, pode ser reduzida a um único princípio: maximizar o prazer e minimizar a dor. Essa máxima, derivada de uma filosofia do indivíduo, tornou-se o paradigma econômico dominante, representado pela escola neoclássica. Sob essa ótica, toda e qualquer análise econômica deveria partir do princípio do indivíduo como agente racional maximizador de prazeres e utilidade. No campo da teoria econômica, o cálculo do máximo prazer torna-se o cálculo do máximo lucro, e esse cálculo é sempre o comportamento esperado e justificado como racional.

Tendo o utilitarismo como fundamentação filosófica da ação individual, essa corrente rejeitou as teorias do valor-trabalho como explicação da formação do valor de troca e do preço das mercadorias, colocando em seu lugar a teoria do valor utilidade.

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3 years ago
PLEASEE HELPP !! Which development is Eisenhower trying to warn Americans against?
wariber [46]

Eisenhower tried to warn Americans against the excessive influence on the country of the armed forces and big business.

<h3>Who was Eisenhower?</h3>

Eisenhower was a statesman and American military officer who served as the 34th president of the US from 1953-1961.

During the World War II, he served as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force in Europe and achieved the five-star rank of General of the Army.

<h3>What is meant by Armed Forces?</h3>

Armed forces refer to the combined military, naval, and air forces of a particular nation.

<h3>What is meant by Business?</h3>

A business is basically defined as an enterprising entity or organization which is basically engaged in industrial , commercial, or professional
activities. Businesses can be for profit entities or non-profit
organizations.

To know more about Eisenhower here:

brainly.com/question/15725432

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2 years ago
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How do you think the ghettos facilitated the eventual extermination of the Jews?
Dafna1 [17]
The ghettos facilitated the eventual extermination because they were hurdled up in one place.
Ghettos were an Eastern phenomenon because of space and money issues which were more common in eastern Europe than in Germany. 
Jews maintained hope through praying and through hoping that they would be able to sneak out of the country to somewhere else.
The invasion of the Soviet Union differed because the Soviet Union put up a much harder fight and wasn't overrun as was Poland at the time. 

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3 years ago
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Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

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