The author who described the problems to industrialize England was Andrew Carnegie
The reason why a company would have to sell the stock that they have in the financial market would be in order to expand its business.
<h3>What is the meaning of stock?</h3>
This is the capital that a business would have raised based on the fact that they have issued shares in the financial market. The stock of a company is the shares that they have in the financial market.
By selling the stock, they would have more money that can be used to take care of the business especially when it comes to the expansion and the growth of the company.
Hence we can say that The reason why a company would have to sell the stock that they have in the financial market would be in order to expand its business.
Read more on company stock here:
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<em>If I were a settler in the American West, I would think Manifest Destiny is believable. This is because it’s such a huge leap for the country as they are getting about 2x the land they already have. I would be so shocked about it, since America is getting more land for farming, mining, etc... This would improve my living situation and money if I were there, because more land means more room to make money. I would be so grateful for Manifest Destiny at the time.</em>
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About 55 miles, i hope this helped!
Answer: I'm balanced I agree and disagree here is why,
Peter C. Perdue's China Marches West argues that the Qing dynasty's ability to break through historical territorial barriers on China's northwestern frontier reflected greater Manchu familiarity with steppe culture than their Chinese predecessors had exhibited, reinforced by superior commercial, technical, and symbolic resources and the benefits of a Russian alliance. Qing imperial expansion illustrated patterns of territorial consolidation apparent as well in Russia's forward movement in Inner Asia and, ironically, in the heroic, if ultimately futile, projects of the western Mongols who fell victim to the Qing. After summarizing Perdue's thesis, this essay extends his comparisons geographically and chronologically to argue that between 1600 and 1800 states ranging from western Europe through Japan to Southeast Asia exhibited similar patterns of political and cultural integration and that synchronized integrative cycles across Eurasia extended from the ninth to the nineteenth centuries. Yet in its growing vulnerability to Inner Asian domination, China proper—along with other sectors of the "exposed zone" of Eurasia—exemplified a species of state formation that was reasonably distinct from trajectories in sectors of Eurasia that were protected against Inner Asian conquest.
