In practical presidential politics the outstanding question of the day is whether President Coolidge will be a candidate for renomination and reelection in 1928. The President has given no indication of his own attitude, nor is it likely that any direct announcement of his intention to be or not to be a candidate will be forthcoming until shortly in advance of the Republican National Convention. A premature announcement that he was not a candidate would measurably weaken, if not destroy, the President's influence with the leaders of his party, while an announcement of his candidacy would provide definite basis for the organization, both within and without the party, of opposition to his renomination and reelection.
Nicholas Murray Butler, in an address six weeks ago in which he described himself as “a working Republican who is both a personal friend and a political supporter of President Coolidge,” said he was taking it for granted “that when he thinks the right time has come he will make public statement of his unwillingness to have his name considered in connection with the Republican presidential nomination of 1928.” The President's good common sense, Dr. Butler believed, would dictate against “inviting certain defeat through injecting the third term issue into the campaign.”
As early as July 1926, the late Senator Albert Cummins, following his defeat and the defeat of other administration senators in the senatorial primaries, had expressed the opinion in a widely published statement that the President would not be a candidate in 1928, that he would have “had enough of it by that time.” Neither the Cummins statement, nor the Butler speech seven months later both of which were interpreted as “an effort to smoke out the President” brought any announcement from the White House of the President's attitude toward his renomination.
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The answer would be oil paints
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The vast majority of labor was unpaid. The only enslaved person at Monticello who received something approximating a wage was George Granger, Sr., who was paid $65 a year (about half the wage of a white overseer) when he served as Monticello overseer.Life expectancy was short, on many plantations only 7-9 years.Industrial slaves worked twelve hours per day, six days per week. The only breaks they received were for a short lunch during the day, and Sunday or the occasional holiday during the week.Fearing that black literacy would prove a threat to the slave system -- which relied on slaves' dependence on masters -- whites in many colonies instituted laws forbidding slaves to learn to read or write and making it a crime for others to teach them.However, the health of plantation slaves was far worse than that of whites. Unsanitary conditions, inadequate nutrition and unrelenting hard labor made slaves highly susceptible to disease. Illnesses were generally not treated adequately, and slaves were often forced to work even when sick.Slaves were punished by whipping, shackling, beating, mutilation, branding, and/or imprisonment. Punishment was most often meted out in response to disobedience or perceived infractions, but masters or overseers sometimes abused slaves to assert dominance.
Andrew Jackson started the "Bank War" over the rechartering of the Second Bank of the United States. Proponents of the bank said that it encouraged westward expansion, expanded international commerce using credit, and helped reduce the government's debt. Jackson, on the other hand, was heavily against the BUS, calling it a danger to the liberties of the people. A champion for the rights of the common man, he advocated to protect the farmers and laborers. He claimed that the bank was owned by a small group of upperclass men, who only became richer by pocketing the money paid by the poorer common man for loans.
Jackson argued against the constitutionality of the BUS that was upheld about fourteen years before, during the 1819 McCulloch v. Maryland case. One of the points of the unanimous decision in that case stated that Congress had the power to establish the bank. Jackson, however, said that McCulloch v. Maryland could not prevent him from declaring a presidential veto on the bank if he believed it unconstitutional. He said that the decision in that 1819 case “ought not to control the coordinate authorities of this Government. The Congress, the Executive, and the Court must each for itself be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution," meaning that the 1819 decision could not control his interpretation of the Constitution or prevent him from doing what he thought was right. This point of view earned him the nickname "King Andrew I" from his critics, who saw his use of the veto and his attempted intrusion on congressional power as power-hungry behavior. In the end, Jackson was successful in challenging the bank, as its charter expired in 1836. He had successfully killed the "monster" that was the Bank of the United States.
