The correct answer: William
Lloyd Garrison
The most unmistakable and questionable change development of the period was abolitionism, the counter slave development. Despite the fact that abolitionism had pulled in numerous supporters in the progressive time frame, the development slacked amid the mid 1800s. By the 1830s, the soul of abolitionism surged, particularly in the Northeast. In 1831, William Lloyd Garrison propelled an abolitionist daily paper, The Liberator, acquiring himself a notoriety for being the most radical white abolitionist. Though past abolitionists had proposed blacks be dispatched back to Africa, Garrison worked in conjunction with noticeable dark abolitionists, including Fredrick Douglass, to request level with social liberties for blacks. Battalion's call to war was "prompt liberation," yet he perceived that it would take a long time to persuade enough Americans to restrict bondage. To spread the abrogation enthusiasm, he established the New England Anti-Slavery Society in 1832 and the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1833. By 1840, these associations had brought forth more than 1,500 nearby sections. All things considered, abolitionists were a little minority in the United States in the 1840s, regularly subjected to scoffing and physical brutality.
♥ The Plow invention increased crop yields and made soil more porous
In Victorian society, rich and poor could find themselves living very close together, sometimes just streets apart. During the 19th century more people moved into the towns and cities to find work in factories. Cities filled to overflowing and London was particularly bad. At the start of the 19th century about 20% of Britain’s population lived there, but by 1851 half the population of the country had set up home in London.
London, like most cities, was not prepared for this great increase in people. People crowded into already crammed houses. Rooms were rented to whole families or perhaps several families. If there was no rooms to rent, people stayed in lodging houses.
On this day in 1939, Germany and the Soviet Union sign a non-aggression pact, stunning the world, given their diametrically opposed ideologies. But the dictators were, despite appearances, both playing to their own political needs.
After Nazi Germany’s invasion of Czechoslovakia, Britain had to decide to what extent it would intervene should Hitler continue German expansion. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, at first indifferent to Hitler’s capture of the Sudetenland, the German-speaking area of Czechoslovakia, suddenly snapped to life when Poland became threatened. He made it plain that Britain would be obliged to come to the aid of Poland in the event of German invasion. But he wanted, and needed, an ally. The only power large enough to stop Hitler, and with a vested interest in doing so, was the Soviet Union. But Stalin was cool to Britain after its effort to create a political alliance with Britain and France against Germany had been rebuffed a year earlier. Plus, Poland’s leaders were less than thrilled with the prospect of Russia becoming its guardian; to them, it was simply occupation by another monstrous regime.
Hitler believed that Britain would never take him on alone, so he decided to swallow his fear and loathing of communism and cozy up to the Soviet dictator, thereby pulling the rug out from the British initiative. Both sides were extremely suspicious of the other, trying to discern ulterior motives. But Hitler was in a hurry; he knew if he was to invade Poland it had to be done quickly, before the West could create a unified front. Agreeing basically to carve up parts of Eastern Europe—and leave each other alone in the process—Hitler’s foreign minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop, flew to Moscow and signed the non-aggression pact with his Soviet counterpart, V.M. Molotov (which is why the pact is often referred to as the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact). Supporters of bolshevism around the world had their heretofore romantic view of “international socialism” ruined; they were outraged that Stalin would enter into any kind of league with the fascist dictator.
But once Poland was German-occupied territory, the alliance would not last for long.
Answer:
I think the first statement best describes a graduated point map.
