According to the writings of Vitruvius, the Greek mathematician Archimedes created a primitive elevator in 236 B.C. that was operated by hoisting ropes wound around a drum and rotated by manpower applied to a capstan. In ancient Rome, a subterranean complex of rooms, animal pens and tunnels stood beneath the Colosseum. At various intervals, elevators powered by hundreds of men using winches and counterweights brought gladiators and large animals up through vertical shafts into the arena for battle.
In 1743, Louis XV had what was referred to as a “flying chair” built to allow one of his mistresses to access her quarters on the third floor of the Palace of Versailles. Similarly, a “flying table” in his retreat château de Choisy allowed the king and his private guests to dine without intrusion from the servants. At the sound of a bell, a table would rise from the kitchen below into the dining room with an elaborate meal, including all of the necessary accoutrements.
By the mid-19th century, elevators powered by steam or water were available for sale, but the ropes they relied upon could be worn out or destroyed and were not, therefore, generally trusted for passenger travel. However, in 1852, Elisha Graves Otis invented a safety break that revolutionized the vertical transport industry. In the event that an elevator’s hoisting rope broke, a spring would operate pawls on the car, forcing them into position with racks at the sides of the shaft and suspending the car in place. Installed in a five-story department store in New York City in 1857, Otis’ first commercial passenger elevator soon changed the world’s skyline, making skyscrapers a practical reality and turning the most valuable real estate on its head—from the first floor to the penthouse.
Answer:
Some Americans believed that it was God who wanted them to expand it's dominion and spread democracy and capitalism essentially across the entire North American continent. They also wanted to expand their territory, this caused them to drive Native Americans out of their land for the new settlers to settle in.
Answer:
D.
Explanation:
linclon went to fort summer to settle beef but davis wanted the smoke and acted really fast and did a suprise attack and ended up retreating
<h3><em><u>Answer:</u></em></h3><h2>Smaller states had the same voting power in Congress as larger states.</h2><h3><em><u>Explanation:</u></em></h3>
One of the greatest difficulties was that the national administration had no authority to implement taxes. To withdraw any judgment of “taxation without description,” the Articles of Confederation provided only state bureaucracies to levy taxes. To compensate for its expenditures, the national administration had to demand funds from the states.
Race and racial inequality have powerfully shaped American history from its beginnings.
Americans like to think of the founding of the American colonies and, later, the United States, as
driven by the quest for freedom – initially, religious liberty and later political and economic
liberty. Yet, from the start, American society was equally founded on brutal forms of
domination, inequality and oppression which involved the absolute denial of freedom for slaves.
This is one of the great paradoxes of American history – how could the ideals of equality and
freedom coexist with slavery? We live with the ramifications of that paradox even today.
In this chapter we will explore the nature of racial inequality in America, both in terms of
its historical variations and contemporary realities. We will begin by clarifying precisely what
we mean by race, racial inequality and racism. We will then briefly examine the ways in which
racism harms many people within racially dominant groups, not just racially oppressed groups. It
might seem a little odd to raise this issue at the beginning of a discussion of racial inequality, for
it is surely the case that racial inequality is more damaging to the lives of people within the
oppressed group. We do this because we feel it is one of the critical complexities of racial
inequality and needs to be part of our understanding even as we focus on the more direct effects
of racism. This will be followed by a more extended discussion of the historical variations in the
forms of racial inequality and oppression in the United States. The chapter will conclude with a
discussion of the empirical realities today and prospects for the future.
This chapter will focus primarily on the experience of racial inequality of African-
Americans, although in the more historical section we will briefly discuss specific forms of racial
oppression of Native-Americans, Mexican-Americans, and Chinese-Americans. This focus on
African-Americans does not imply that the forms of racism to which other racial minorities have
been subjected are any less real. And certainly the nature of racial domination of these other
groups has also stamped the character of contemporary American society.
WHAT IS RACE?
Many people think of races as “natural” categories reflecting important biological differences
across groups of people whose ancestors came from different parts of the world. Since racial
classifications are generally hooked to observable physical differences between people, the
apparent naturalness of race seems obvious to most people. This conception reflects a
fundamental misunderstanding about the nature of racial classifications. Race is a social
category, not a biological one. While racial classifications generally use inherited biological
traits as criteria for classification, nevertheless how those traits are treated and how they are
translated into the categories we call “races” is defined by social conventions, not by biology.
In different times and places racial boundaries are drawn in very different ways. In the
U.S. a person is considered “Black” if they have any African ancestry. This extreme form of
binary racial classification reflects the so-called “one-drop rule” that became the standard system
of racial classification in the U.S. after the Civil War.
