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Ilia_Sergeevich [38]
3 years ago
15

Name at least 5 reasons why a Patriot would support independence from Britain. You can list them in bullet points.

History
2 answers:
aleksley [76]3 years ago
7 0
1. they wanted independence from Britain because they protested that Britain had no right to tax them without the consent of their own colonial assemblies.
2. The Patriots wanted freedom from British rule because they didn’t think they were treated well.
Explanation:
I'm sorry I don't have any more at the moment.
Good job on the Loyalists side though!!
levacccp [35]3 years ago
7 0
•freedom
•a current defective administration
•colonial trade restrictions
•high taxes
•authors and philosophers influence
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Please type down your thoughts
8_murik_8 [283]

Answer:

1. Basically restricting and public Religious hearings, (going to the Mosc, Church etc. is fine)

2. There has been so much hate and problems going on because of religion. They think whatever religious stuff is going on should be in a place with people that actually believe in the religion, rather than brainwashing people with other religions.

3. They do not over present their religion and/or try and force it on people. Also, a lot of people mind their own business outside of the US, (I'm guessing that's where your answering this bc I am too) so they do not say anything.

Explanation:

hope this helps and plz mark brainliest!

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2 years ago
Which statement about war hawks is not true? a The war hawks were Native Americans led by Tecumseh who were attacking American s
natulia [17]

Answer: A, The Warhawks were congressmen from the west and south.

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2 years ago
What role did great britain play in the louisiana purchase?
Sergeeva-Olga [200]

Great Britain played a role in the Louisiana Purchase by pushing France to extreme anxiety through war. Great Britain's war with France resulted in Napoleon needing money to finance the conflict. As a result, he was forced to sell Louisiana to the US in order to raise funds

5 0
2 years ago
Read 2 more answers
Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

5 0
2 years ago
A bicameral legislature features
siniylev [52]
"bi" means 2: so bi-cameral means with two "cameras" - two chambers, answer B!

a legislative body with only one chamber would be called uni-cameral: "uni" meaning "1", or "unique"
3 0
3 years ago
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