Their friendship is like their wine exquisite but of short duration meaning?

Write a poem about slavery

Leno4ka [110]

Answer:

slavery back in the day

slavery that started in 1619

O how slavery was horrible

Making people work on there commands

But then on the day December 18, 1865

The 13th amendment abolished slavery

And all people got to be who they wanted to be

Next comes many years later

People going crazy over not being treated better

Even though they get better treatment than anyone else

Riots started

And history faded

The people took advantage of their background

Making everyone else bow down to their knees

O how ignorant people are

Changing the story's all the time

But o, how you'll never hear the real truth on TV

People started believing the ones in the wrong

They ended up taking more until peace was gone

Now, why can't people just know there facts

And not listen to what everyone tells them.

Blacks were not the only slaves

White people were in slaved to

And George Floyd was not a good man

But everyone is to brainwashed to know any better too

Explanation:

hv a great day

3 0

3 years ago

Read the following line from the poem “To a Mouse” by Robert Burns.

Ivan

The word "win's" means winds.

3 0

3 years ago

Read 2 more answers

Which sentence from Fever 1793 reveals a first-person point of view?

Sholpan [36]

Answer:

D is the answer

Explanation: First person is from the characters point of view. So the person speaking is in the story and experiencing everything. Here’s an example of first person: “I ate the eggs.” First person usually uses the pronoun I.

3 0

3 years ago

A summary of the new Jim Crow book version

enot [183]

Alexander details the history of “racialized social control” (20). From slavery to Jim Crow to mass incarceration, she identifies a persistent pattern by which systems of racial subjugation are built, maintained, dismantled, and finally transformed to fit the circumstances of a given era. In the case of mass incarceration, politicians like Ronald Reagan built the system to fit into a new post-Civil Rights Movement paradigm that prohibited politicians from making overtly racist appeals to American voters. In this new era of supposed colorblindness, Reagan—and later George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton—utilized “law and order” (50) rhetoric that implicitly demonized Black men as predators. In the middle of Reagan’s presidency, crack cocaine swept through urban communities of color, giving “tough on crime” advocates the perfect pretext to launch an aggressive drug enforcement campaign against Black American males.

Alexander explains exactly how the new racial caste system works, beginning with its point of entry: the police. Empowered by Supreme Court decisions that effectively gutted the Fourth Amendment, police officers may stop and search individuals under the faintest pretexts of probable cause. Yet just because police departments can target millions of Americans suspected of possessing small amounts of drugs, the question remains of why they choose to divert time and resources away from addressing more serious crimes like murders and rapes. Alexander points to huge financial incentives offered by the federal government to encourage widespread enforcement of minor drug infractions. Massive federal cash grants and changes to civil asset forfeiture laws have made participation in the drug war extraordinarily lucrative for state and local police departments.

In the following chapter Alexander explores why, in many states, Black Americans make up as much as 80% to 90% of individuals who serve time in prison on drug charges, even though the system is formally colorblind and whites use and sell drugs at similar rates. Unlike in the case of robberies or assaults, where clear victims exist, those involved with drug transactions are unlikely to report them to the police because doing so would implicate themselves in a crime. As a result, police must be proactive in addressing drug crime and are therefore afforded an enormous amount of discretion concerning whom to target. As for why police departments choose to disproportionately target people of color, Alexander blames both implicit biases and pervasive media and political campaigns that frame Black men as criminals in the American imagination. Prosecutors are also granted an outsized amount of discretion thanks to the introduction of mandatory minimum sentences for drug criminals. With such harsh sentences hanging over the heads of those charged with drug crimes, prosecutors are better empowered to extract plea deals. While these plea deals may keep an individual out of jail, they also frequently result in a felony record, saddling that person for life with what Alexander calls “the prison label” (189). The consequences of this prison label are the focus of Chapter 4. When an individual leaves prison or accepts a felony plea deal, they face legal discrimination in employment, housing, welfare benefits, and often voting rights. It is here that Alexander observes the strongest similarities between mass incarceration and the Jim Crow era, given that Black Americans faced these same forms of discrimination during the first half of the 20th century in the South. She also addresses the stigma felt by everyone touched by the criminal justice system, which includes the formerly incarcerated, their families, and any individual who can expect daily harassment from police officers. The following chapter outlines the specific similarities and differences between Jim Crow and mass incarceration. Aside from the legal discrimination in both systems, Jim Crow and mass incarceration have similar political roots. Both systems gained political support from elites who sought to exploit the economic and cultural fears of poor and working-class whites. Both operate by defining what it means to be Black in America in the cultural imagination—in the case of mass incarceration, that means defining Black men as criminals. Perhaps the most significant and frightening difference is that while both slavery and Jim Crow were systems of labor exploitation, mass incarceration involves marginalization and removal from society. Alexander points out that similar racially based marginalization efforts were precursors to genocides in the 20th century.

3 0

2 years ago

When an author's purpose is to inform, the text will include mostly

sineoko [7]

Answer:

I think it's D not sure

Explanation:

Hope this helped

7 0

3 years ago