The political, social, and economic reforms of the early
1800s in the Britain reflected the growing power of the middle class through
industrialization in which led the middle class to grow that made more voice in
the government to be pushed. It also made reforms like social and economic to
have a more better living and working conditions and by that the influence grew
bigger in support of Queen Victoria.
Hermann Friedrich Graebe was born in 1900, in Gräfrath, a small town in the Rhineland in Germany. He came from a poor family – his father was a weaver and his mother helped supplement the family’s income by working as a domestic. Besides the economic hardship, the Graebes were Protestants who lived in a predominantly Roman Catholic area. In 1924 Hermann Friedrich Graebe got married, and soon completed his training as an engineer.
Graebe joined the Nazi party in 1931, but soon became disenchanted with the movement. By 1934 – one year after Hitler's rise to power – in a party meeting he openly criticized the Nazi campaign against Jewish businesses. If he needed to be taught a lesson about the danger of such a move, it soon came. Following that incident, Graebe was apprehended by the Gestapo and jailed in Essen for several months. Fortunately for him he was released without trial.
Answer: The ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution
Explanation:
<span>To train officers for the state militia</span>
<h3>One of the most pressing challenges African states faced at Independence was their lack of infrastructure. European imperialists prided themselves on bringing civilization and developing Africa, but they left their former colonies with little in the way of infrastructure. The empires had built roads and railroads - or rather, they had forced their colonial subjects to build them - but these were not intended to build national infrastructures. Imperial roads and railways were almost always intended to facilitate the export of raw materials. Many, like the Ugandan Railroad, ran straight to the coastline.
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</h3><h3>These new countries also lacked the manufacturing infrastructure to add value to their raw materials. Rich as many African countries were in cash crops and minerals, they could not process these goods themselves. Their economies were dependent on trade, and this made them vulnerable. They were also locked into cycles of dependencies on their former European masters. They had gained political, not economic dependencies, and as Kwame Nkrumah - the first prime minister and president of Ghana - knew, political independence without economic independence was meaningless. </h3><h3>
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</h3><h2>Energy Dependence</h2><h3>The lack of infrastructure also meant that African countries were dependent on Western economies for much of their energy. Even oil-rich countries did not have the refineries needed to turn their crude oil into gasoline or heating oil. Some leaders, like Kwame Nkrumah, tried to rectify this by taking on massive building projects, like the Volta River hydroelectric dam project. The dam did provide much-needed electricity, but its construction put Ghana heavily into debt. The construction also required the relocation of tens of thousands of Ghanaians and contributed to Nkrumah's plummeting support in Ghana. In 1966, Nkrumah was overthrown. </h3><h3>
</h3><h2>Inexperienced Leadership</h2><h3>At Independence, there were several presidents, like Jomo Kenyatta, had several decades of political experience, but others, like Tanzania's Julius Nyerere, had entered the political fray just years before independence. There was also a distinct lack of trained and experienced civil leadership. The lower echelons of the colonial government had long been staffed by African subjects, but the higher ranks had been reserved for white officials. The transition to national officers at independence meant there were individuals at all levels of the bureaucracy with little prior training. In some cases, this led to innovation, but the many challenges that African states faced at independence were often compounded by the lack of experienced leadership.
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</h3><h2>Lack of National Identity</h2><h3>The borders Africa's new countries were left with were the ones drawn in Europe during the Scramble for Africa with no regard to the ethnic or social landscape on the ground. The subjects of these colonies often had many identities that trumped their sense of being, for instance, Ghanaian or Congolese. Colonial policies that privileged one group over another or allocated land and political rights by "tribe" exacerbated these divisions. The most famous case of this was the Belgian policies that crystallized the divisions between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda that led to the tragic genocide in 1994.
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</h3><h3>Immediately after decolonization, the new African states agreed to a policy of inviolable borders, meaning they would not try to redraw Africa's political map as that would lead to chaos. The leaders of these countries were, thus, left with the challenge of trying to forge a sense of national identity at a time when those seeking a stake in the new country were often playing to individuals' regional or ethnic loyalties. </h3><h3>
</h3><h2>Cold War</h2><h3>Finally, decolonization coincided with the Cold War, which presented another challenge for African states. The push and pull between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) made non-alignment a difficult, if not impossible, option, and those leaders who tried to carve third way generally found they had to take sides. </h3><h3>
</h3><h3>Cold War politics also presented an opportunity for factions that sought to challenge the new governments. In Angola, the international support that the government and rebel factions received in the Cold War led to a civil war that lasted nearly thirty years.
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</h3><h3>These combined challenges made it difficult to establish strong economies or political stability in Africa and contributed to the upheaval that many (but not all!) states faced between the late '60s and late '90s. </h3>
