In 1215, a band of rebellious medieval barons forced King John of England to agree to a laundry list of concessions later called the Great Charter, or in Latin, Magna Carta. Centuries later, America’s Founding Fathers took great inspiration from this medieval pact as they forged the nation’s founding documents—including the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
For 18th-century political thinkers like Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, Magna Carta was a potent symbol of liberty and the natural rights of man against an oppressive or unjust government. The Founding Fathers’ reverence for Magna Carta had less to do with the actual text of the document, which is mired in medieval law and outdated customs, than what it represented—an ancient pact safeguarding individual liberty.
“For early Americans, Magna Carta and the Declaration of Independence were verbal representations of what liberty was and what government should be—protecting people rather than oppressing them,” says John Kaminski, director of the Center for the Study of the American Constitution at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “Much in the same way that for the past 100 years the Statue of Liberty has been a visual representation of freedom, liberty, prosperity and welcoming.”
When the First Continental Congress met in 1774 to draft a Declaration of Rights and Grievances against King George III, they asserted that the rights of the English colonists to life, liberty and property were guaranteed by “the principles of the English constitution,” a.k.a. Magna Carta. On the title page of the 1774 Journal of The Proceedings of The Continental Congress is an image of 12 arms grasping a column on whose base is written “Magna Carta.
Peyton Farquhar was a man who would strive to accomplish anything for the Confederacy. The line “No service was too humble for him to perform in the aid of the South, no adventure too perilous for him to undertake if consistent with the character of a civilian who was at heart a soldier” confirms his devotion toward the Confederacy.
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In the fall of 2010, 88-year-old Horst-Eberhard Richter was invited to present his newly published book, Moral in Zeiten der Krise in Berlin. The chairperson introduced him as the one who had given the peace movement its intellectual and analytical basis, and went on to say that Richter was credited with intellectually binding together psychoanalysis, perspectives on peace, and political protest. The author almost brusquely responded that this was not what it was all about. It was about a common future, social involvement, and a new sense that science carried a political responsibility. The peace movement was a social movement comprised of diverse individuals devoted to a common cause with a common collective identity and typically organized on democratic grassroots principles, with self-organization, through a Coordinating Committee. As such, it took a skeptical view of political leaders. However, notwithstanding its grassroots-inspired structures of decision-making, there were key players who succeeded in developing particularly high public profi les with regard to certain issues. For the purpose of introducing such “protagonists” of the peace movement and their celebrity status, the movement is divided here into the following social and political groups: Christians, politically independent participants.
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The Northwest Territory included all the then-owned land of the United States west ... Located in present-day Darke County in far western Ohio, the fort was built of wood ... Settlement followed the forts, whether garrisoned or not.
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