Battle of the Bulge
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Other countries surpassed Great Britain in manufacturing
<u>National Labor Union</u> is the labor union established by William Sylvis during 1866.
William H. Sylvis was an ironworker who managed to get 640,00 members during 1868 for the National Labor Union (NLU), the first labor union. The workers he united were either skilled or unskilled workers.
Sylvis is a unique labor leader. Through the creation of a labor party and the strengthening of international solidarity, Sylvis aimed to advance worker rights and strengthen the position of labor. Consequently, William Sylvis, the pioneer trade union leader in America, stands out for his dedication to independent political change, international co-operation, and even the sporadic bring up of the possible consequence of violent revolution.
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Answer:Machiavelli’s realism
Niccolò Machiavelli, whose work derived from sources as authentically humanistic as those of Ficino, proceeded along a wholly opposite course. A throwback to the chancellor-humanists Salutati, Bruni, and Poggio, he served Florence in a similar capacity and with equal fidelity, using his erudition and eloquence in a civic cause. Like Vittorino and other early humanists, he believed in the centrality of historical studies, and he performed a signally humanistic function by creating, in La mandragola (1518; The Mandrake), the first vernacular imitation of Roman comedy. His unswerving concentration on human weakness and institutional corruption suggests the influence of Boccaccio; and, like Boccaccio, he used these reminders less as topical satire than as practical gauges of human nature. In one way at least, Machiavelli is more humanistic (i.e., closer to the classics) than the other humanists, for while Vittorino and his school ransacked history for examples of virtue, Machiavelli (true to the spirit of Polybius, Livy, Plutarch, and Tacitus) embraced all of history—good, evil, and indifferent—as his school of reality. Like Salutati, though perhaps with greater self-awareness, Machiavelli was ambiguous as to the relative merits of republics and monarchies. In both public and private writings—especially the Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (1531; Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy)—he showed a marked preference for republican government, but in The Prince (1532) he developed, with apparent approval, a model of radical autocracy. For this reason, his goals have remained unclear.
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