Please find attached the figure with the complete question including the histogram
Answer:

Explanation:
You must understand the <em>histogram.</em>
The horizontal axis shows the <em>weights in pounds</em> measured using the central points of the intervals. The intervals are supposed to be [105,115], [115,125], [125,130], . . .
The height of the bars represents the frequencies or number of <em>members </em>for each interval. You can read the height of each bar on the vertical axis.
Thus, you find the number of members for each interval:
- first interval: 5 members
- second interval: 4 members
- third interval: 2 members
- fourth interval (blank): 0 members
- fifth interval: 5 members
- sixth interval (blank): 0 members
- seventh interval: 4 members
Total: 5 + 4 + 2 + 0 + 5 + 0 + 4 = 20 members ← answer
The correct answer is Zimbardo's Prison Experiment
The Stanford prison experiment (SPE) was a study of the psychological effects of becoming a prisoner or prison guard. The experiment was conducted at Stanford University from August 14-20, 1971, by a team of researchers led by psychology professor Philip Zimbardo.
Answer:Growing more cotton meant an increased demand for slaves. Slaves in the Upper South became incredibly more valuable as commodities because of this demand for them in the Deep South. They were sold off in droves. This created a Second Middle Passage, the second largest forced migration in America's history.
Explanation:now you pick which one this goes for Plz hit the crown one more than i will rank up
The answer to your question is letter D. James began his speech about young people who lost their lives by not wearing seat belts. In Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs, he was addressing the level of safety needs. This level of need refers to our need for safety and protection.
Explanation:
The Islamic State (ISIS) is in sharp decline, but in its rout lie important lessons and lingering threats. This is true for the four countries of the Maghreb covered in this report, Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia, which constitute a microcosm of ISIS’ identity, trajectory and shifting fortunes to date. Those countries possess two unwanted claims to fame: as a significant pool of ISIS foreign fighters and, in the case of Libya, as the site of ISIS’ first successful territorial conquest outside of Iraq and Syria. The pool is drying up, to a point, and the caliphate’s Libyan province is no more. But many factors that enabled ISIS’s ascent persist. While explaining the reasons for ISIS’ performance in different theatres is inexact and risky science, there seems little question that ending Libya’s anarchy and fragmentation; improving states’ capacities to channel anger at elites’ predatory behaviour and provide responsive governance; treading carefully when seeking to regiment religious discourse; and improving regional and international counter-terrorism cooperation would go a long way toward ensuring that success against ISIS is more than a fleeting moment.
Its operations in the Maghreb showcase ISIS’s three principal functions: as a recruitment agency for militants willing to fight for its caliphate in Iraq and Syria; as a terrorist group mounting bloody attacks against civilians; and as a military organisation seeking to exert territorial control and governance functions. In this sense, and while ISIS does not consider the Maghreb its main arena for any of those three forms of activity, how it performed in the region, and how states reacted to its rise, tells us a lot about the organisation.