Because they began to trade on ships off the coast.
Answer:
A) He thinks they should try and live in peace because he desires goods to trade.
Explanation:
Powhatan makes the argument that he will work well with the English, without the use of coercion or force of any kind. He and his people are willing to trade and live at peace. He does not threaten. His strong advice is for the settlers to put down their weapons as well as negative attitudes, and work along side Powhatan and his people.
The answer cannot be "B" because he does not ask them to leave, but to lay down their weapons and negative attitude.
The answer cannot be "C" because he does not express that they will attack first. In fact, the gist of the quote alludes to the fact that they have already attacked and either attempted to take or succeeded in taking things by force the could have had just by asking.
The answer cannot be "D" because he is asking them to live in peace. He provides an eloquent assessment of what has happened and what could have happened instead. He paints a picture of how things can be in the future, if they will just live as Powhatan advises.
Answer:
The right answer is A.
Explanation:
In its beginning, the secret Noble Order of the Knights of Labor (founded in 1869) proposed to replace capitalism with a system of worker cooperatives. Ten years later it became public and shredded the "noble" from its name. For a long time, it focused on economic benefits for its members.
Answer:
Explanation:
Kerensky’s intuitive knowledge of the appropriate action to take in the early days of the Revolution was unmatched by the other leading political figures of the time. In March 1917, when former Tsarist ministers were seized in the street and roughly escorted to the Winter Palace, Kerensky stepped forward and declared them ‘prisoners of the revolution’. He also issued the arrest of Minster of War Vladimir Sukhomlinov – for so long, a symbol of power and corruption in the old regime – something his colleagues lacked the courage to do. Kerensky could see that only by legitimising their capture with arrest could protect them from the angry mobs in Petrograd.
The ability to deliver speeches that would connect with audiences was an important skill for any public figure in 1917. Kerensky’s experience as an advocate served him well in this respect. Although his speeches were rather cliché ridden, they were very successful, making direct appeals to ‘his people’ and tears would sometimes be seen running down his face as he spoke.
But soon his tone changed, especially after the attempted Bolshevik rising of July, becoming increasingly authoritarian. Where once he had appealed directly to the goodness of the people, now he called for the preservation of the State.
Despite this, it is difficult to find strong evidence for his well-reported egotism. Kerensky was the only moderate prepared to take on the responsibility of heading Russia, and faced criticism from across the political spectrum when he was unable to avert the Bolshevik seizure of power and subsequent descent into civil war.
