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Stella [2.4K]
2 years ago
13

What is the point of view of the author about who is responsible

History
1 answer:
Anna11 [10]2 years ago
3 0

Justin's point of view shows that he was attacked by Max, which caused him to fight back with violence. He has no bias, as it shows that he just defended himself.

In this case, we have evidence that Justin was attacked because he shows that Max and his friends had already teased him before this fight in the cafeteria.

Following this example and the information in the table below, we can answer the other tables as follows:

  • Max and Erick has the point of view that Max was attacked by Justin. Both claim they were just talking, joking, and laughing with each other when Justin attacked Max. They are not biased as they just tell how things happened in their point of view. Their account shows evidence that Max was attacked.

  • Antony presents a neutral point and view, as he didn't see how the fight started, he only saw how it ended. He has no bias but shows evidence that Max started the fight, as he saw him playing and having fun with friends around Justin.

  • Megan presents the point of view that maybe Max started the fight. She wasn't present at the moment, but she hints at the bias that Max has been acting weird, different, so he might have started a fight for no reason.

  • The cafeteria worker presents the view that there has been a misunderstanding between the boys. It shows evidence that Justin started the fight because Max was playing with his friends when he bumped into Justin, who without caring about the situation attacked Max. He does not show bias.

It is important to point out that bias is the tendency to believe in one side, through a single thought, without analyzing evidence and evidence.

More information:

brainly.com/question/973320?referrer=searchResults

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This is probably late but here,
It encouraged the ideals of liberty and equalities.
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paki basa nalng .

Explanation:

On December 4, 1918, the George Washington sailed out of New York with the American delegation to the Peace Conference on board. Guns fired salutes, crowds along the waterfront cheered, tugboats hooted and Army planes and dirigibles circled overhead. Robert Lansing, the American secretary of state, released carrier pigeons with messages to his relatives about his deep hope for a lasting peace. The ship, a former German passenger liner, slid out past the Statue of Liberty to the Atlantic, where an escort of destroyers and battleships stood by to accompany it and its cargo of heavy expectations to Europe.

On board were the best available experts, combed out of the universities and the government; crates of reference materials and special studies; the French and Italian ambassadors to the United States; and Woodrow Wilson. No other American president had ever gone to Europe while in office. His opponents accused him of breaking the Constitution; even his supporters felt he might be unwise. Would he lose his great moral authority by getting down to the hurly-burly of negotiations? Wilson's own view was clear: the making of the peace was as important as the winning of the war. He owed it to the peoples of Europe, who were crying out for a better world. He owed it to the American servicemen. "It is now my duty," he told a pensive Congress just before he left, "to play my full part in making good what they gave their life's blood to obtain." A British diplomat was more cynical; Wilson, he said, was drawn to Paris "as a debutante is entranced by the prospect of her first ball."

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Although he had not started out in 1912 as a foreign policy president, circumstances and his own progressive political principles had drawn him outward. Like many of his compatriots, he had come to see the Great War as a struggle between the forces of democracy, however imperfectly represented by Britain and France, and those of reaction and militarism, represented all too well by Germany and Austria-Hungary. Germany's sack of Belgium, its unrestricted submarine warfare and its audacity in attempting to entice Mexico into waging war on the United States had pushed Wilson and American public opinion toward the Allies. When Russia had a democratic revolution in February 1917, one of the last reservations that the Allies included an autocracy vanished. Although he had campaigned in 1916 on a platform of keeping the country neutral, Wilson brought the United States into the war in April 1917. He was convinced that he was doing the right thing. This was important to the son of a Presbyterian minister, who shared his father's deep religious conviction, if not his calling.

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Explanation: hope this helped :)

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