<span>The most powerful medieval pope was Pope Innocent III. He "reigned" for 18 years, during the end of the 12th century until the beginning of the 13th century - 1246 when he died. He was very powerful during this time, and had a strong influence even over kings whose countries practiced Catholicism. which is basically all of Europe. He was also the one who started the Crusades to fight Muslims. </span>
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The answer to your given question is most likely B. A lot of Artists and writers tried to portray the war in their work.
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Soon after Christopher Columbus arrived in the Americas in 1492, the Spanish began to hear stories of civilizations with immense riches. Hoping to claim this wealth and territory for Spain and themselves, conquistadors, or “conquerors,” sailed across the Atlantic Ocean.
When they ventured onto the mainland, they found an immense landscape that was already home to tens of thousands of American Indians. Conflict between the two groups was frequent, leading to misunderstandings, exploitation, and violence. While their explorations gave Europeans a better understanding of the Americas, the conquistadors who explored the land now known as Texas often failed to find the wealth and resources they were looking for leading the Spanish to focus colonization efforts further south for many years.
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Democracy itself is defined through the concept of institution. A democracy, Przeworski told us, is possible when the relevant political forces can find institutions that give a reasonable guarantee that their interests will not be affected in an extremely adverse way in democratic competition, that is, when interests are subjected to institutionalized uncertainty. (1986). Trust in institutions is closely linked to political culture. Almond and Verba in The Civic Culture: political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (1963) in a study carried out in 1959, they detect that in what they call a modern society there is much more participation, the key for them would be in the political culture. This refers to the attitude of individuals towards the political system and the role they play as individuals within it. Both attitudes, according to Almond and Verba, can be appreciated through certain patterns of orientation towards the political objects of a nation. These patterns can be of four forms: political orientation, which refers to the internalization of the objects of the political system and the relationships between these objects: the cognitive orientation of the system, which refers to the knowledge of what there is, for example the results of public policy; affective orientation, which focuses on feelings towards the political system, its roles, and functioning; and finally, evaluative orientation, which unites the elements of the previous orientations and allows generating evaluative criteria. Trust in institutions permeates these three levels of political orientation. Finally, Frederick C. Turner and John D. Martz (1997) have analyzed the case of Latin America, where the trust of citizens in institutions is an essential factor for the consolidation of democracy. Ludolfo Paramio (1999) argues that party identification and trust in institutions are conditions for the proper functioning of democracy. In short, institutions are the basis, feed and give value to democracy through various mechanisms at different times. March and Olsen (2006) point out that there are various theoretical approaches to institutions that are distinguished mainly by: first, how they conceive the nature of institutions; second, how they explain the processes that translate into structures and rules and their political impacts, and, lastly, the processes that turn human behavior into rules and structures to maintain, transform or eliminate institutions
