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ElenaW [278]
3 years ago
10

What three titles for jesus reflect the early christian community's resurrection, post-pentecost understanding of him?

Social Studies
1 answer:
Verdich [7]3 years ago
7 0
The bible says the answer in psalms 12 6 go read it to get a answer
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What was a result of rail standardization?
Sergio039 [100]

Answer:

What was a result of rail standardization? Railways were able to transport meat without spoilage. Trains provided cars with pull-down beds for overnight travel. Trains from different rail lines could use each other’s tracks.

Explanation

8 0
3 years ago
Pleaseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee helpppppppppppppppppp meeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
icang [17]

Non Metal

brittle, poor conductor for heat poor conductor of electricity, dull surface

Metal

malleable, Good Conductor for electricity, Good Conductor of heat, shiny surface

Hope This Helps :D

6 0
3 years ago
A good will have a more elastic demand, A. All of the above. B. the more it is regarded as a necessity. C. the shorter the perio
Natali [406]

Answer:

D. the greater the availability of close substitutes.

Explanation:

Price elasticity of demand is a measure of the sensitivity of demand for a good or service to changes in the price of that product. We say that the price elasticity of demand is elastic when a percentage change in the price of this good has major impacts on demand. On the contrary, we say that the price elasticity of demand is inelastic when variations in the price of goods have little or no influence on demand.

Goods that are inelastic in demand are usually consumer-essential goods for which there are few substitution options, such as a cancer drug. On the contrary, elastic goods are those whose price variations diminish the demand for a range of substitute goods. For example, if the price of rice goes up, people may demand spaghetti, which is a substitute good.Therefore, goods with a large number of substitutes tend to have price elastic demand.

5 0
4 years ago
Means to demand payment for protection?
Travka [436]

Answer:

A protection racket is a scheme where a potentially hazardous group guarantees protection from violence, looting, raiding, piracy, and other such threats posed by them outside the sanction of the law, to polities, businesses, individuals, or other entities and groups that pay to them in cash or kind. In other words, it is a racket that sells security, traditionally physical security. Through the credible threat of violence, the racketeers deter people from swindling, robbing, injuring, sabotaging or otherwise harming their clients. Protection rackets tend to appear in markets in which the police and judiciary cannot be counted on to provide legal protection, because of incompetence (as in weak or failed states) or illegality (black markets). Protection rackets are indistinguishable in practice from extortion rackets and distinguishable from private security by some degree of implied threat that the racketeers themselves may attack the business if it fails to pay for their protection. A distinction is possible between a "pure" extortion racket in which the racketeers might agree only not to attack a business and a broader protection racket offering some real private security in addition to such extortion. The criminals might agree to defend a business from any attack by either themselves or third parties (other criminal gangs). However, in reality, that distinction is doubtful, because extortion racketeers may have to defend their clients against rival gangs to maintain their profits. By corollary, criminal gangs may have to maintain control of territories (turfs), as local businesses may collapse if forced to pay for protection from too many rackets, which then hurts all parties involved. Certain scholars, such as Diego Gambetta, classify criminal organizations engaged in protection racketeering as "mafia", as the racket is popular with both the Sicilian Mafia and Italian-American Mafia.

Explanation:

A protection racket is an operation where criminals provide protection to persons and properties, settle disputes and enforce contracts in markets where the police and judicial system cannot be relied upon. Protection racketeers or mafia groups operate mostly in the black market, providing buyers and sellers the security they need for smooth transactions; but empirical data collected by Gambetta and Varese suggests that mafia groups are able to offer private protection to corporations and individuals in legal markets when the state fails to offer sufficient and efficient protection to the people in need. Two elements distinguish racketeers from legal security firms. The first element is their willingness to deploy violent forms of retribution (going as far as murder) that fall outside the limits the law normally extends to civilian security firms. The other element is that racketeers are willing to involve themselves in illegal markets

3 0
3 years ago
How did Georgia’s political leaders feel about the Civil
Leya [2.2K]

Answer:

The civil rights movement in the

American South was one of the most significant and successful social movements in the modern world. Black Georgians formed part of this southern movement for full civil rights and the wider national struggle for racial equality. From Atlanta to the most rural counties in Georgia's southwest Cotton Belt, Black activists protested white supremacy in myriad ways—from legal challenges and mass demonstrations to strikes and self-defense. In many ways, the results were remarkable. As late as World War II (1941-45) Black Georgians were effectively denied the vote, segregated in most areas of daily life, and subject to persistent discrimination and violence. But by 1965, sweeping federal civil rights legislation prohibited segregation and discrimination, and this new phase of race relations was first officially welcomed into Georgia by Governor Jimmy Carter in 1971.

Early Years of Protest

Although the southern civil rights movement first made national headlines in the 1950s and 1960s, the struggle for racial equality in America had begun long before. Indeed, resistance to institutionalized white supremacy dates back to the formal establishment of segregation in the late nineteenth century. Community leaders in Savannah and Atlanta protested the segregation of public transport at the turn of the century, and individual and community acts of resistance to white domination abounded across the state even during the height of lynching and repression. Atlanta washerwomen, for example, joined together to strike for better pay, and Black residents often kept guns to fight off the Ku Klux Klan.

Around the turn of the century

political leader and African Methodist Episcopal bishop Henry McNeal Turner was an avid supporter of back-to-Africa programs. Marcus Garvey's Back to Africa movement in the 1920s gained support among Georgia African Americans, as did other national organizations later, such as the Communist Party and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Meanwhile, Black Georgians established schools, churches, and social institutions within their separate communities as bulwarks against everyday racism and discrimination.

Protest during the World War II Era

The 1940s marked a major change in Georgia's civil rights struggle. The New Deal and World War II precipitated major economic changes in the state, hastening urbanization, industrialization, and the decline of the power of the planter elite. Emboldened by their experience in the army, Black veterans confronted white supremacy, and riots were common on Georgia's army bases. Furthermore, the political tumult of the World War II era, as the nation fought for democracy in Europe, presented an ideal opportunity for African American leaders to press for racial change in the South. As some Black leaders pointed out, the notorious German leader Adolf Hitler gave racism a bad name.

African Americans across Georgia seized the opportunity. In 1944 Thomas Brewer, a medical doctor in Columbus,

planned an attempt to vote in the July 4, 1944, Democratic primary. Primus King, whom Brewer recruited to actually attempt the vote, was turned away from the ballot box. Several other African American men were turned away at the door. The following year a legal challenge (King v. Chapman et al.) to the Democratic Party's ruling that only white men could vote in the Democratic primary was successful. The decision was upheld in 1946. In response, Black registration across the state rose from a negligible number to some 125,000 within a few months—by far the highest registration total in any southern state. In the larger cities, notably Atlanta, Macon, and Savannah, local Black leaders used their voting power to elect more moderate officials, forcing concessions

7 0
3 years ago
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