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DIA [1.3K]
3 years ago
14

Choose the source that would most likely support the claim below.

English
2 answers:
vesna_86 [32]3 years ago
6 0
The answer would A

Hope this helps!
scZoUnD [109]3 years ago
3 0

Answer:

The source that would most likely support the claim<em> People are more likely to buy products from a business that supports the community</em> is A) a survey about consumer spending habits.

Explanation:

In order to write and develop an efficient claim, the author should carry out research, find evidence and record facts that support that claim in a logical way. <em>A survey about consumer spending habits</em> is a reliable source that would provide clear information to support the claim.

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Read this excerpt from Anne Frank Remembered.
weeeeeb [17]

Answer:

She hopes to recall pleasant memories from her youth abroad

Explanation:

I saw the movie in 8th grade!

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3 years ago
2. Analyze Mr. Hooper's conversation with Elizabeth is the first time that readers learn
raketka [301]

As we read the conversation between Mr. Hooper and Elizabeth, we can see that Hooper is determined to continue to wear the black veil, no matter what it may cause.

We can arrive at this answer as follows:

  • Elizabeth and Hooper are engaged.
  • Their conversation started because Elizabeth demands to know why Hooper is wearing a black veil all the time.
  • The black veil makes Hooper look somber and Elizabeth believes that, as his fiancée, she has a right to know why he is acting this way.
  • However, Hooper is unwilling to either tell her why he is wearing the veil or stop wearing it.
  • He believes Elizabeth should trust him as his bride.

The conversation between them shakes the engagement between the two, but Hooper shows that he will continue wearing the veil even if it saddens his fiancée and even if the engagement needs to be ended.

This question is related to "The Minister's Black Veil" by Nathaniel Hawthorne. In this story, we meet a Puritan town that is terrified of the town's minister's decision to wear a mysterious black veil.

More information:

brainly.com/question/4418823?referrer=searchResults

7 0
3 years ago
A summary of the new Jim Crow book version
enot [183]

Alexander details the history of “racialized social control” (20). From slavery to Jim Crow to mass incarceration, she identifies a persistent pattern by which systems of racial subjugation are built, maintained, dismantled, and finally transformed to fit the circumstances of a given era. In the case of mass incarceration, politicians like Ronald Reagan built the system to fit into a new post-Civil Rights Movement paradigm that prohibited politicians from making overtly racist appeals to American voters. In this new era of supposed colorblindness, Reagan—and later George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton—utilized “law and order” (50) rhetoric that implicitly demonized Black men as predators. In the middle of Reagan’s presidency, crack cocaine swept through urban communities of color, giving “tough on crime” advocates the perfect pretext to launch an aggressive drug enforcement campaign against Black American males.

 Alexander explains exactly how the new racial caste system works, beginning with its point of entry: the police. Empowered by Supreme Court decisions that effectively gutted the Fourth Amendment, police officers may stop and search individuals under the faintest pretexts of probable cause. Yet just because police departments can target millions of Americans suspected of possessing small amounts of drugs, the question remains of why they choose to divert time and resources away from addressing more serious crimes like murders and rapes. Alexander points to huge financial incentives offered by the federal government to encourage widespread enforcement of minor drug infractions. Massive federal cash grants and changes to civil asset forfeiture laws have made participation in the drug war extraordinarily lucrative for state and local police departments.

In the following chapter Alexander explores why, in many states, Black Americans make up as much as 80% to 90% of individuals who serve time in prison on drug charges, even though the system is formally colorblind and whites use and sell drugs at similar rates. Unlike in the case of robberies or assaults, where clear victims exist, those involved with drug transactions are unlikely to report them to the police because doing so would implicate themselves in a crime. As a result, police must be proactive in addressing drug crime and are therefore afforded an enormous amount of discretion concerning whom to target. As for why police departments choose to disproportionately target people of color, Alexander blames both implicit biases and pervasive media and political campaigns that frame Black men as criminals in the American imagination. Prosecutors are also granted an outsized amount of discretion thanks to the introduction of mandatory minimum sentences for drug criminals. With such harsh sentences hanging over the heads of those charged with drug crimes, prosecutors are better empowered to extract plea deals. While these plea deals may keep an individual out of jail, they also frequently result in a felony record, saddling that person for life with what Alexander calls “the prison label” (189). The consequences of this prison label are the focus of Chapter 4. When an individual leaves prison or accepts a felony plea deal, they face legal discrimination in employment, housing, welfare benefits, and often voting rights. It is here that Alexander observes the strongest similarities between mass incarceration and the Jim Crow era, given that Black Americans faced these same forms of discrimination during the first half of the 20th century in the South. She also addresses the stigma felt by everyone touched by the criminal justice system, which includes the formerly incarcerated, their families, and any individual who can expect daily harassment from police officers. The following chapter outlines the specific similarities and differences between Jim Crow and mass incarceration. Aside from the legal discrimination in both systems, Jim Crow and mass incarceration have similar political roots. Both systems gained political support from elites who sought to exploit the economic and cultural fears of poor and working-class whites. Both operate by defining what it means to be Black in America in the cultural imagination—in the case of mass incarceration, that means defining Black men as criminals. Perhaps the most significant and frightening difference is that while both slavery and Jim Crow were systems of labor exploitation, mass incarceration involves marginalization and removal from society. Alexander points out that similar racially based marginalization efforts were precursors to genocides in the 20th century.

3 0
3 years ago
Should texting and driving be the same punishment as drinking and driving, what is the rebuttal, what is your stance?
telo118 [61]
Yes because the person who is texting can cause an accident and hurt more than 1 car.drunk driving can cause an accident as well.I've been in that type of situation i know when people are texting and driving when they keep breaking every like five seconds.sometimes out of nowhere they break really hard when a red light goes on wich can cause an accident I think six months in jail will teach them a lesson about put your phone because your life and someone's else matters.
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3 years ago
What makes for a better drama a high quality script or unparalleled acting?
schepotkina [342]
A high quality script since its a good level that is clean and can give you even more drama to a play
5 0
3 years ago
Read 2 more answers
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