It was a. Edmund Spenser who authored The Faerie Queene, an epic poem about knights and virtues, although many attribute it to Bacon, which is incorrect.
Answer:
D.
Congress can override a veto with a 2/3 majority
Explanation:
When considering Job's friend's approach, first, one must take into account Job's current situation. He had lost all of his sons, his wealth, his health, and probably the respect of others around him and his friends did little or nothing to ease his pain. For example, when trying to comfort him, Bildad, said that if Job's son died, its because they were sinners or evil men and they deserved to die. Eliphaz hinted that Job was not a righteous man, and he was being punished by God, who doesn't value the good actions of his servants.
When reading their full speech, one can see how they not only failed to ease Job's suffering, but also contributed to increase it. Blaming him from his suffering, blaming god, or insinuating that god was cruel. A god that Job deeply believed in. If one could say that they did at least something right is that they stopped Job from feeling sorry of himself. And when the last of his friends Elihu stepped in he helped him to see the bigger picture. And how he could still be a good man, and be suffering, because he was not perfect, and he could make mistakes.
A better approach could have been starting with kind words, feeling truly sorry for his loss, helping him to see that his sons had no blame in what happened, and that god could still be there to support him. And when the time was right, help him to stop feeling sorry of himself, in a kind but strong way, as Elihu did.
Answer:
Life changed for them because they got more rights and almost the same rights as the common white man which was a huge point in black history.
Answer:
Mark as brainliest
Explanation:
symbolic presence in international legal accounts of the 19th century, but for historians of the era its importance has often been doubted. This article seeks to re-interpret the place of the Berlin General Act in late 19th-century history, suggesting that the divergence of views has arisen largely as a consequence of an inattentiveness to the place of systemic logics in legal regimes of this kind.
Issue Section:
Articles
INTRODUCTION
The Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884-1885 has assumed a canonical place in historical accounts of late 19th-century imperialism 1 and this is no less true of the accounts provided by legal scholars seeking to trace the colonial origins of contemporary international law. 2 The overt purpose of the Conference was to ‘manage’ the ongoing process of colonisation in Africa (the ‘Scramble’ as it was dubbed by a Times columnist) so as to avoid the outbreak of armed conflict between rival colonial powers. Its outcome was the conclusion of a General Act 3 ratified by all major colonial powers including the US. 4 Among other things, the General Act set out the conditions under which territory might be acquired on the coast of Africa; it internationalised two rivers (the Congo and the Niger); it orchestrated a new campaign to abolish the overland trade in slaves; and it declared as ‘neutral’ a vast swathe of Central Africa delimited as the ‘conventional basin of the Congo’. A side event was the recognition given to King Leopold’s fledgling Congo Free State that had somewhat mysteriously emerged out of the scientific and philanthropic activities of the Association internationale du Congo . 5
If for lawyers and historians the facts of the Conference are taken as a common starting point, this has not prevented widely divergent interpretations of its significance from emerging. On one side, one may find an array of international lawyers, from John Westlake 6 in the 19th century to Tony Anghie 7 in the 21 st century, affirming the importance of the Conference and its General Act for having created a legal and political framework for the subsequent partition of Africa. 8 For Anghie, Berlin ‘transformed Africa into a conceptual terra nullius ’, silencing native resistance through the subordination of their claims to sovereignty, and providing, in the process, an effective ideology of colonial rule. It was a conference, he argues, ‘which determined in important ways the future of the continent and which continues to have a profound influence on the politics of contemporary Africa’. 9
