Answer:
Archaeological and linguistic evidence indicates that the <em>Khoisan</em> were the earliest inhabitants who occupied East Africa before 1000AD.
Explanation:
The <em>Khoisan </em>people lived in East Africa before they migrated to Southern and South eastern Africa prior to the Bantu migration. They were the first people to occupy South Africa following their migration. They were known for their hunting and gathering skills. In addition, to living a nomadic way of life.
An increased presence of Christians in the Levant during the Middle Ages.
the development of military orders.
a polarisation of the East and West based on religious differences.
the specific application of religious goals to warfare in the Levant, Iberian peninsula, and Baltic region, in particular.
the increased role and prestige of the popes and the Catholic Church in secular affairs.
the souring of relations between the West and the Byzantine Empire leading, ultimately, to the latter’s destruction.
an increase in the power of the royal houses of Europe.
a stronger collective cultural identity in Europe.
an increase in xenophobia and intolerance between Christians and Muslims, and between Christians and Jews, heretics and pagans.
an increase in international trade and exchange of ideas and technology.
an increase in the power of such Italian states as Venice, Genoa, and Pisa.
the appropriation of many Christian relics to Europe.
the use of a religious historical precedent to justify colonialism, warfare and terrorism.
A. European imperialist powers gained further control of trade with China.
Answer:
The members of the Graham family have basically two different points of view, some defend slavery and war, and some are against it.
Explanation:
During dinner time the Graham family have a strong conversation with really different points of view, while Creighton is against war and slavery, Wiles defends the idea of war and is against the arguments of president Lincoln when he tries to create a peaceful environment for both sides of the coin. Really angry, Wiles states that the greatest problem is greed more than slavery. He mentions as well that the south and north should be separated each one with its own ideas. He thinks, the south should simply stay alone and leave in peace the north with its slave. During the argument, it is also possible to notice how Tom stays quite but also really angry about the fight.
In the late 1890s, the Foreign Office in London came to regard Germany as the main threat to the European balance of power and British imperial hegemony around the globe. This perceived German threat required a substantial modification of British diplomacy in other parts of the world and was instrumental in the British Foreign Office’s decision to reconsider its policy of rivalry with Russia, despite the Government of India’s continued concern with the Russian threat to the security of British India. Attaining Russia’s friendship became a primary objective of the Conservative British foreign secretary, Lord Lansdowne (1900-5), who initiated the talks for an Anglo-Russian understanding. However, it would be Lansdowne’s Liberal successor, Sir Edward Grey (1905-16), who finally managed to reach a formal accord with Russia in August 1907. By the time of the outbreak of the Persian Constitutional Revolution in 1906, London’s rivalry with Berlin had resulted in the abandonment of the British policy of “Splendid Isolation,” which precluded Britain’s participation in European alliance systems. Britain was now actively pursuing formal friendship with Russia in the European arena of balance of power and attempting to resolve the century-old Anglo-Russian rivalry in Central Asia and Persia. After the outbreak of the Constitutional Revolution in Persia, the British desire for cooperation with Russia placed the Foreign Office in London on a collision course with the Persian nationalist and constitutionalist reformers, many of whom initially looked to Britain for diplomatic assistance in countering overt Russian support for the Persian autocracy. After the conclusion of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Agreement, the British Foreign Office adopted a policy of ample tolerance towards Russian aggression in northern Persia and St. Petersburg’s efforts to obliterate the Persian nationalist/constitutionalist movement, despite periodic objections from the Government of India to London’s policy of appeasing Russian ambitions in Persia.
From 1907 until the outbreak of the First World War, British policy in Persia consisted of extensive cooperation with Russia, to the point of legitimizing Russia’s repeated violations of Persian sovereignty and substantial military presence in northern Persia. In the process, the British Foreign Office abetted Russia in undermining the Persian Constitutional Revolution in December 1911. After the outbreak of the First World War, Britain and Russia abandoned all pretense of respect for Persia’s sovereignty, jointly occupying that country under the pretext of countering German and Ottoman anti-Allied operations in Persia, despite Tehran’s declaration of neutrality in the war. The Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia in 1917 resulted in the cessation of Anglo-Russian friendship in general, and Anglo-Russian military and diplomatic cooperation in Persia in particular. With the withdrawal of Russian forces from Persia, already initiated after the March Revolution in Russia, the subsequent Bolshevik renunciation of the 1907 Agreement, and outbreak of military hostilities between Britain and the Bolshevik government after 1918, Britain attempted to establish its absolute imperial hegemony in Persia: first, through the abortive Anglo-Persian Agreement of 1919, and later by sponsoring the 1921 coup d’etat led by Rezā Khan and Sayyed Żiāʾ-al-Din Ṭabāṭabāʾi.
