Answer:
It helped them to interact easily through activities such as trade and land buying and selling. This fact led to inter region marriages , suportin ech other i n time of need and foration of basic political bonds thus a change in there sociallives
Answer:
Explanation:
Because Johnson was thinking in terms of conventional warfare. He thought that because his army was larger, his air force was tougher and better trained, his navy was massively larger, the equipment provided to his troops infinitely better, there would be no contest.
He did not understand 2 things about Vietnam.
1. He forgot that the Vietnamese had been fighting the French (and beating them). The French in effect had changed the Vietnamese into battle hardened soldiers.
2. The Vietnamese fought a guerrilla style of warfare. The came the delivered hard jabs and disappeared into the night. Conventional war tools don't easily adapt to that kind of warfare.
Answer:
Henry Ellis replaced the unpopular John Reynolds as Georgia’s second royal governor, and colonists found him fair and competent. Ellis settled the land disputes of Mary Musgrove Bosomworth, which had long caused friction between Georgians and the Creek nation .
Explanation:
Remembering Tiananmen in Hong Kong has been viewed as an act of defiance for years, and it has become even more so now that the city’s own democratic future has come under threat. In the run-up to the 30th anniversary, demonstrators marched through the semi-autonomous enclave’s financial district chanting, “justice will prevail” and toting “support freedom” umbrellas. “In China, [people] can’t say anything against the government,” says Au Wai Sze, a nurse in Hong Kong who marched along with her 15-year-old daughter. “So while we in Hong Kong can still speak [out], we must represent the voice of the Chinese people and remind the world of this injustice.” Remembering Tiananmen in Hong Kong has been viewed as an act of defiance for years, and it has become even more so now that the city’s own democratic future has come under threat. In the run-up to the 30th anniversary, demonstrators marched through the semi-autonomous enclave’s financial district chanting, “justice will prevail” and toting “support freedom” umbrellas. “In China, [people] can’t say anything against the government,” says Au Wai Sze, a nurse in Hong Kong who marched along with her 15-year-old daughter. “So while we in Hong Kong can still speak [out], we must represent the voice of the Chinese people and remind the world of this injustice.”
For all its power, China’s government is still deeply paranoid. Today, the regime is “stronger on the surface than at any time since the height of Mao’s power, but also more brittle,” Andrew Nathan, a professor of political science at Columbia University, wrote in Foreign Affairs. The people’s loyalty is predicated on wealth accumulation, which will be difficult to sustain. A sputtering economy, widespread environmental pollution, rampant corruption and soaring inequality have all fed public anxieties about Xi’s ability to continue fulfilling the prosperity-for-loyalty bargain.
