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Snowcat [4.5K]
3 years ago
8

Xb0x frien4s 16 and older

History
2 answers:
NeTakaya3 years ago
8 0

Answer:

i don't play but i'm 16

Explanation:

Annette [7]3 years ago
4 0
In a few weeks I’ll have an Xb0x 360 but for now I have a switch
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1).What was the purpose of the Monroe DOctrine?
IgorLugansk [536]
1) To warn European Powers not to get involved with the affairs of the Western Hemisphere. That the Western Hemisphere would not further be colonized by Europeans, and the U.S. would leave existing Colonies alone; not involved in their International affairs or wars.
2) President James Monroe wanted to make sure that Europe did not take Spain's colonies, as many were on the verge of their own independence. Prussia, Austria, and Russia had formed the Holy Alliance with the goal of defending monarchical government. It was a precaution really.
3) The United States was prosperous, as we no longer had to worry about wars, we could focus on trade to gain a better economy. Also the Europeans benefited from the fact that they could not stand another war and win, due to previous wars which had left them disorganized and slowly building back the economy.

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7 0
3 years ago
Another question guys, sorry. ;(<br><br><br> This the last one
denis23 [38]

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8 0
3 years ago
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Describe who used the idea of realpolitik and why
kobusy [5.1K]
Let's review. Realpolitik is a German word referring to politics-driven practical, or pragmatic, concerns rather than ideological ones
7 0
2 years ago
What advantages did the Haitian slaves have over the French soldiers?
LUCKY_DIMON [66]

The colonization period in Haiti was difficult, one of the hardest ones in all the Americas, the slavery was cataloged as the cruelest ever known, and the general live conditions for middle and lower classes were not good at all.

At the bottom of the social pyramid were the slaves, however the french soldiers had really hard duties on those times, they can be cataloged like <em>¨White slaves¨</em>, obviously they haven´t to perform the slave´s work, however duties turning around the slavery, extended shifts and dreadful life conditions made their work a difficult one.

So Haitian Slaves and French soldiers were technically in a similar spot, however, the slaves had survival and another kind of advantages over the French soldiers, a key point was the resistance or partial immunity to different diseases, unfortunately, that wasn´t the French´s case.

Yellow fever was a major issue to the French forces in Haiti, debilitated the army, and was one of the key points of the posterior events (the slavery and Haiti revolutions).

So definitely the two kinds of newcomers to Haiti, haven´t the same fate, the majority of slaves adapted quickly to new territory. the opposite happened to the French soldiers.

8 0
3 years ago
Read 2 more answers
Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

5 0
3 years ago
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