Answer:
Since the debt crisis, the idea that public credit is the first step aimed at the loss of national sovereignty through an economic intervention has expanded. China Qing and the Ottoman Empire were caught in the vicious circle of debt
It is a very similar story that two of the most powerful empires of the pre-modern era became states that depend on international credit in the industrial age. Qing China and the Ottoman Empire suffered a long period of decline that ended their imperial status by 1840.
Explanation:
The two countries suffered some kind of crisis towards the second half of the century that pushed them towards indebtedness abroad, which would lead to the contracting of debt in international markets in order to cope with their long decline, and with the hope of modernize their industry. Following that debt would lead them to accept, foreign intervention.
During the war, the Turks, without an army with the power to confront the Egyptians, had to request the help of their former enemies, forcing the intervention of Britain and Russia. International aid was not free, and its price was through the Balta Treaty, where Turkey agrees to adopt a free market system, withholding taxes on imports.
The case of the Qing dynasty in China was very similar. By 1820, the empire showed symptoms of clear economic damage. Stuck in an extremely restrictive trading system, through which all international trade demanded through the Cohong guild, China collided with Western interests during the First Opium War. The defeat marked the beginning of a long process of decline.
for the most part, historians view Andrew Johnson as the worst possible person to have served as President at the end of the American Civil War. Because of his gross incompetence in federal office and his incredible miscalculation of the extent of public support for his policies, Johnson is judged as a great failure in making a satisfying and just peace. He is viewed to have been a rigid, dictatorial racist who was unable to compromise or to accept a political reality at odds with his own ideas. Instead of forging a compromise between Radical Republicans and moderates, his actions united the opposition against him. His bullheaded opposition to the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, the Civil Rights Act of 1866, and the Fourteenth Amendment eliminated all hope of using presidential authority to affect further compromises favorable to his position. In the end, Johnson did more to extend the period of national strife than he did to heal the wounds of war.
Most importantly, Johnson's strong commitment to obstructing political and civil rights for blacks is principally responsible for the failure of Reconstruction to solve the race problem in the South and perhaps in America as well. Johnson's decision to support the return of the prewar social and economic system—except for slavery—cut short any hope of a redistribution of land to the freed people or a more far-reaching reform program in the South.
Historians naturally wonder what might have happened had Lincoln, a genius at political compromise and perhaps the most effective leader to ever serve as President, lived. Would African Americans have obtained more effective guarantees of their civil rights? Would Lincoln have better completed what one historian calls the "unfinished revolution" in racial justice and equality begun by the Civil War? Almost all historians believe that the outcome would have been far different under Lincoln's leadership.
Among historians, supporters of Johnson are few in recent years. However, from the 1870s to around the time of World War II, Johnson enjoyed high regard as a strong-willed President who took the courageous high ground in challenging Congress's unconstitutional usurpation of presidential authority. In this view, much out of vogue today, Johnson is seen to have been motivated by a strict constructionist interpretation of the Constitution and by a firm belief in the separation of powers. This perspective reflected a generation of historians who were critical of Republican policy and skeptical of the viability of racial equality as a national policy. Even here, however, apologists for Johnson acknowledge his inability to effectively deal with congressional challenges due to his personal limitations as a leader.
Answer:
B: In 1750, core areas of Europe and Asia enjoyed similar levels of economic development
The action of the first flight in North Carolina
A. because that was the main goal, after the first crusade none of the other crusades managed to recapture Jerusalem again,
