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Maurinko [17]
3 years ago
8

So they came by the thousands – kids really, twenty-somethings, a few in their thirties. No one knew for sure how to get to the

moon, how to land, or get home. But their goal was clear-cut, and that was enough. That gave them purpose: a reason to puzzle out the problems and seek solutions rather than sleep. —Team Moon: How 400,000 People Landed Apollo 11 on the Moon, Catherine Thimmesh Why does the author mention the uncertainty of how to get to the moon and back? to let the reader know that the mission was doomed from the start to explain that NASA had hired people who were not up to the task to show how difficult the task was and how important the solutions would be to explain why so many people needed to be involved in the project
English
1 answer:
JulijaS [17]3 years ago
3 0

Answer:

to show how difficult the task was and how important the solutions would be.

 

Explanation:

The author shows how difficult it was to land on the moon safely and return home. There were several big problems with this very important mission and big problems need big solutions, for this reason, the collaborators who made themselves available to participate in the project were strengthened in these difficulties and worked hard to search for efficient and successful solutions. With that, we can say that the author mentions the uncertainty that the team had to manage to send the man to the moon to show how difficult the task was and how important the solutions would be.

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in the third sentence of the first paragraph, the author mentions society's ability to "execute its own mandates" primarily to​
marshall27 [118]

Like other tyrannies, the tyranny of the majority was at first, and is still vulgarly, held in dread, chiefly as operating through the acts of the public authorities. But reflecting persons perceived that when society is itself the tyrant—society collectively over the separate individuals who compose it—its means of tyrannising are not restricted to the acts which it may do by the hands of its political functionaries. Society can and does execute its own mandates; and if it issues wrong mandates instead of right, or any mandates at all in things with which it ought not to meddle, it practises a social tyranny more formidable than many kinds of political oppression, since, though not usually upheld by such extreme penalties, it leaves fewer means of escape, penetrating much more deeply into the details of life, and enslaving the soul itself. Protection, therefore, against the tyranny of the magistrate1 is not enough; there needs protection also against the tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling, against the tendency of society to impose, by other means than civil penalties, its own ideas and practices as rules of conduct on those who dissent from them; to fetter the development and, if possible, prevent the formation of any individuality not in harmony with its ways, and compel all characters to fashion themselves upon the model of its own. There is a limit to the legitimate interference of collective opinion with individual independence; and to find that limit, and maintain it against encroachment, is as indispensable to a good condition of human affairs as protection against political despotism.2

What these rules should be is the principal question in human affairs; but if we except a few of the most obvious cases, it is one of those which least progress has been made in resolving. No two ages, and scarcely any two countries, have decided it alike; and the decision of one age or country is a wonder to another. Yet the people of any given age and country no more suspect any difficulty in it than if it were a subject on which mankind had always been agreed. The rules which obtain among themselves appear to them self-evident and self-justifying. This all but universal illusion is one of the examples of the magical influence of custom, which is not only, as the proverb says, a second nature, but is continually mistaken for the first. The effect of custom, in preventing any misgiving respecting the rules of conduct which mankind impose on one another, is all the more complete because the subject is one on which it is not generally considered necessary that reasons should be given, either by one person to others, or by each to himself. People are accustomed to believe, and have been encouraged in the belief by some who aspire to the character of philosophers, that their feelings on subjects of this nature are better than reasons and render reasons unnecessary. The practical principle which guides them to their opinions on the regulation of human conduct is the feeling in each person’s mind that everybody should be required to act as he, and those with whom he sympathises, would like them to act.

In the third sentence of the first paragraph, the author mentions society’s ability to “execute its own mandates” primarily to

A) suggest that the tyranny of the majority is predominantly a political rather than a social phenomenon

B) encourage members of the general public to acknowledge the dangers posed by this ability

C) challenge the assumption that “reflecting persons” have greater insight into social ills than other members of society

D) introduce the primary conflict he sees a need to resolve

E) Clarify the nature of the subject matter he will discuss

Introduce the primary conflict he sees a need to resolve.

Answer: Option D.

<u>Explanation:</u>

Like other tyrannies, the tyranny of the majority was at first, and is still vulgarly, held in dread, chiefly as operating through the acts of the public authorities.  if it issues wrong mandates instead of right, or any mandates at all in things with which it ought not to meddle, it practices a social tyranny more formidable than many kinds of political oppression, since, though not usually upheld by such extreme penalties, it leaves fewer means of escape, penetrating much more deeply into the details of life, and enslaving the soul itself.

Protection, therefore, against the tyranny of the magistrate is not enough; there needs protection also against the tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling, against the tendency of society to impose, by other means than civil penalties, its own ideas and practices as rules of conduct on those who dissent from them

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