Roman Emperor Constantine established the Edict of Milan in February of 313.
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The Arabs carried extensive trade by both camel and boat in the Red Sea
and Indian Ocean. Using these varying methods of transport meant they
were able to build strong trade routes with a wide variety of countries,
as using both camels and ships meant they were able to cover land and
sea routes.
Explanation:
In 1651, Thomas Hobbes famously wrote that life in the state of nature – that is, our natural condition outside the authority of a political state – is ‘solitary, poore, nasty brutish, and short.’ Just over a century later, Jean-Jacques Rousseau countered that human nature is essentially good, and that we could have lived peaceful and happy lives well before the development of anything like the modern state. At first glance, then, Hobbes and Rousseau represent opposing poles in answer to one of the age-old questions of human nature: are we naturally good or evil? In fact, their actual positions are both more complicated and interesting than this stark dichotomy suggests. But why, if at all, should we even think about human nature in these terms, and what can returning to this philosophical debate tell us about how to evaluate the political world we inhabit today?
The question of whether humans are inherently good or evil might seem like a throwback to theological controversies about Original Sin, perhaps one that serious philosophers should leave aside. After all, humans are complex creatures capable of both good and evil. To come down unequivocally on one side of this debate might seem rather naïve, the mark of someone who has failed to grasp the messy reality of the human condition. Maybe so. But what Hobbes and Rousseau saw very clearly is that our judgements about the societies in which we live are greatly shaped by underlying visions of human nature and the political possibilities that these visions entail.
Answer:
Popular sovereignty was seen on the issue of slavery as a political middle ground. Popular sovereignty is the principle that people should rule, and as such the status of slavery should be determined by the votes of local settlers and not congress.
During the Mexican War, when slavery became a political problem, Douglas faced a challenge. Fearing that the issue would interfere with the Constitution, he argued for the doctrine of popular sovereignty — the right of the people of a state or territory to determine for themselves the question of slavery — as a solution for the sake of the Union. He led the congressional struggle for the 18th compromise.
