Answer: False
Explanation: —-
A patient's doctor suspects pernicious anemia because of the patient's macrocytic anemia. A conclusive diagnosis of pernicious anemia would be made with a test for intrinsic factor antibodies.
<h3>What are intrinsic factor antibodies?</h3>
Immune system-produced proteins called intrinsic factor antibodies are linked to pernicious anemia. This test finds circulating intrinsic factor antibodies (IF antibodies) in blood. Known as parietal cells, these specialized cells line the stomach wall and generate a protein known as the intrinsic factor.
<h3>Define macrocytic anemia.</h3>
When your bone marrow creates excessively large red blood cells, it causes the blood condition known as macrocytic anemia. Red blood cells cannot operate normally without the nutrients that these aberrant blood cells lack. Although macrocytic anemia is not a dangerous sickness, it can have serious health consequences if untreated.
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The correct answer is <em><u>option 3. The Constitution of the United States limit the power of the President as Commander in Chief by granting the power to declare war to the Congress.</u></em> As a part of its check and balance system, the Constitution, in its Article 1. Section 8, declares that t is the Congress who holds the power to declare war to another nation. The President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, has the power of directing the army, once the declaration of war has been emitted by the Congress. This is done to put boundaries to the power of the President, and to have a general agreement of the government before declaring war.
Bolivar stood apart from his class in ideas, values and vision. Who else would be found in the midst of a campaign swinging in a hammock, reading the French philosophers? His liberal education, wide reading, and travels in Europe had broadened his horizons and opened his mind to the political thinkers of France and Britain. He read deeply in the works of Hobbes and Spinoza, Holbach and Hume; and the thought of Montesquieu and Rousseau left its imprint firmly on him and gave him a life-long devotion to reason, freedom and progress. But he was not a slave of the Enlightenment. British political virtues also attracted him. In his Angostura Address (1819) he recommended the British constitution as 'the most worthy to serve as a model for those who desire to enjoy the rights of man and all political happiness compatible with our fragile nature'. But he also affirmed his conviction that American constitutions must conform to American traditions, beliefs and conditions.
His basic aim was liberty, which he described as "the only object worth the sacrifice of man's life'. For Bolivar liberty did not simply mean freedom from the absolutist state of the eighteenth century, as it did for the Enlightenment, but freedom from a colonial power, to be followed by true independence under a liberal constitution. And with liberty he wanted equality – that is, legal equality – for all men, whatever their class, creed or colour. In principle he was a democrat and he believed that governments should be responsible to the people. 'Only the majority is sovereign', he wrote; 'he who takes the place of the people is a tyrant and his power is usurpation'. But Bolivar was not so idealistic as to imagine that South America was ready for pure democracy, or that the law could annul the inequalities imposed by nature and society. He spent his whole political life developing and modifying his principles, seeking the elusive mean between democracy and authority. In Bolivar the realist and idealist dwelt in uneasy rivalry.
