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777dan777 [17]
3 years ago
6

"Professor Hammond studies ethical behavior and designs a study to examine the amount of cheating at her school. At the beginnin

g of class each day, she passes around a chart showing the dates of the class meetings, with boxes for students to initial if they were present. She photocopies the sheet after each class so she can find if any students initial for days they were absent. She waits for interesting results before writing a proposal for the institutional review board (IRB). Which ethical standard does waiting to propose the study violate
Social Studies
1 answer:
poizon [28]3 years ago
5 0

The correct answer to this open question is the following.

Although the question does not provide any options, we can say that the ethical standard that waiting to propose the study violates is "Informed Consent to Research."

In this case, Professor Hammond, first, had to inform the students about the study she was doing so the students were aware of this situation is class. So once she notified the class about her research, then ask them their consent to participate in the study. They probably had to sign a document that serves as an agreement of their participation. The students then would be aware of the details of the research and they would decide if they want to be part of the study. That is the ethical way to proceed.

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3 years ago
In a paragraph of 4-7 sentences, explain the Great Compromise as if you were one of the patriots there in that time.
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July 16, 1987, began with a light breeze, a cloudless sky, and a spirit of celebration. On that day, 200 senators and representatives boarded a special train for a journey to Philadelphia to celebrate a singular congressional anniversary.

Exactly 200 years earlier, the framers of the U.S. Constitution, meeting at Independence Hall, had reached a supremely important agreement. Their so-called Great Compromise (or Connecticut Compromise in honor of its architects, Connecticut delegates Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth) provided a dual system of congressional representation. In the House of Representatives each state would be assigned a number of seats in proportion to its population. In the Senate, all states would have the same number of seats. Today, we take this arrangement for granted; in the wilting-hot summer of 1787, it was a new idea.

In the weeks before July 16, 1787, the framers had made several important decisions about the Senate’s structure. They turned aside a proposal to have the House of Representatives elect senators from lists submitted by the individual state legislatures and agreed that those legislatures should elect their own senators.

By July 16, the convention had already set the minimum age for senators at 30 and the term length at six years, as opposed to 25 for House members, with two-year terms. James Madison explained that these distinctions, based on “the nature of the senatorial trust, which requires greater extent of information and stability of character,” would allow the Senate “to proceed with more coolness, with more system, and with more wisdom than the popular[ly elected] branch.”

The issue of representation, however, threatened to destroy the seven-week-old convention. Delegates from the large states believed that because their states contributed proportionally more to the nation’s financial and defensive resources, they should enjoy proportionally greater representation in the Senate as well as in the House. Small-state delegates demanded, with comparable intensity, that all states be equally represented in both houses. When Sherman proposed the compromise, Benjamin Franklin agreed that each state should have an equal vote in the Senate in all matters—except those involving money.

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