How did enslaved Africans resist slavery? Why would it be important to come up with creative ways to work against slavery?

Pavlov found that once he conditioned a dog to salivate in response to a tone, a tone that was slightly higher or lower in pitch

julia-pushkina [17]

Answer:

Stimulus generalization

Explanation:

Stimulus generalizationis is when a subject responds to a stimulus or a group of stimuli similar but not identical to the original situation. For example the dog salivating at a slightly higher or lower pitch not only to the exact tone is a stimulus that is similar but not the original. The animal responds to the similar stimulus in the same way it would to the conditioned stimulus.

6 0

3 years ago

Select all that apply.

mash [69]

Answer:

wiped out 1/4 - 1/3 of all Europeans

wiped out farming communities

caused riots and hysteria

has reappeared over and over again, even in current times

Explanation:

If this is on Odyssey, I took the quiz

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3 years ago

**I'LL GIVE THE FIRST RIGHT ANSWER BRAINLIEST**

Burka [1]

Answer:

The Opium Wars in the mid-19th century were a critical juncture in modern Chinese history. The first Opium War was fought between China and Great Britain from 1839 to 1942. In the second Opium War, from 1856 to 1860, a weakened China fought both Great Britain and France. China lost both wars. The terms of its defeat were a bitter pill to swallow: China had to cede the territory of Hong Kong to British control, open treaty ports to trade with foreigners, and grant special rights to foreigners operating within the treaty ports. In addition, the Chinese government had to stand by as the British increased their opium sales to people in China. The British did this in the name of free trade and without regard to the consequences for the Chinese government and Chinese people.

The lesson that Chinese students learn today about the Opium Wars is that China should never again let itself become weak, ‘backward,’ and vulnerable to other countries. As one British historian says, “If you talk to many Chinese about the Opium War, a phrase you will quickly hear is ‘luo hou jiu yao ai da,’ which literally means that if you are backward, you will take a beating.”1

Two Worlds Collide: The First Opium War

In the mid-19th century, western imperial powers such as Great Britain, France, and the United States were aggressively expanding their influence around the world through their economic and military strength and by spreading religion, mostly through the activities of Christian missionaries. These countries embraced the idea of free trade, and their militaries had become so powerful that they could impose such ideas on others. In one sense, China was relatively effective in responding to this foreign encroachment; unlike its neighbours, including present-day India, Burma (now Myanmar), Malaya (now Malaysia), Indonesia, and Vietnam, China did not become a full-fledged, formal colony of the West. In addition, Confucianism, the system of beliefs that shaped and organized China’s culture, politics, and society for centuries, was secular (that is, not based on a religion or belief in a god) and therefore was not necessarily an obstacle to science and modernity in the ways that Christianity, Islam, and Hinduism sometimes were in other parts of the world.

But in another sense, China was not effective in responding to the “modern” West with its growing industrialism, mercantilism, and military strength. Nineteenth-century China was a large, mostly land-based empire (see Map 1), administered by a c. 2,000-year-old bureaucracy and dominated by centuries old and conservative Confucian ideas of political, social, and economic management. All of these things made China, in some ways, dramatically different from the European powers of the day, and it struggled to deal effectively with their encroachment. This ineffectiveness resulted in, or at least added to, longer-term problems for China, such as unequal treaties (which will be described later), repeated foreign military invasions, massive internal rebellions, internal political fights, and social upheaval. While the first Opium War of 1839–42 did not cause the eventual collapse of China’s 5,000-year imperial dynastic system seven decades later, it did help shift the balance of power in Asia in favour of the West.

.

Opium and the West’s Embrace of Free Trade

In the decades leading up to the first Opium War, trade between China and the West took place within the confines of the Canton System, based in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou (also referred to as Canton). An earlier version of this system had been put in place by China under the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), and further developed by its replacement, the Qing Dynasty, also known as the Manchu Dynasty. (The Manchus were the ethnic group that ruled China during the Qing period.) In the year 1757, the Qing emperor ordered that Guangzhou/Canton would be the only Chinese port that would be opened to trade with foreigners, and that trade could take place only through licensed Chinese merchants. This effectively restricted foreign trade and subjected it to regulations imposed by the Chinese government.

For many years, Great Britain worked within this system to run a three country trade operation: It shipped Indian cotton and British silver to China, and Chinese tea and other Chinese goods to Britain (see Map 2). In the 18th and early 19th centuries, the balance of trade was heavily in China’s favour. One major reason was that British consumers had developed a strong liking for Chinese tea, as well as other goods like porcelain and silk. But Chinese consumers had no similar preference for any goods produced in Britain. Becaus

Explanation:

6 0

4 years ago

Read 2 more answers

Assess the role of artists as political activists

labwork [276]

Answer:

Explanation:

Several years ago we had the good fortune to ask the renowned activist artist Hans Haacke a

question:

How can you know when what you’ve done works?

He thought for a moment, and then replied,

I’ve been asked that question many times, and that question requires one to go around it

before one really avoids it.

Haacke’s response was meant to be humorous, but beneath it lay a serious problem: a general

aversion to conceptualizing the relationship between art, activism and social change. To be fair,

on the spectrum of artistic activism Haacke’s place is more toward the pole of the artist, and thus

his refusal to be pinned down by such a question merely conforms to the modern tradition that

valorizes art’s autonomy from society. Yet, even as we slide down the scale from expressive

artist to the more instrumental activist, the answer to the questions of how artistic activism works

to bring about social change and how to assess that impact remains elusive.1

This is a shaky foundation upon which to construct a rapidly growing field. Art schools have

devoted whole programs to the practice of arts and activism. Since Portland State University

launched the first of such programs, Art & Social Practice in 2007, the School of Visual Arts in

New York has added a department of Art Practice; CalArts: Social Practice & Public Forms; and

Queens College: Art & Social Action. New York University has two graduate programs devoted

to the intersection of arts and activism: Arts Politics in its performing arts school, and Art,

Education and Community Practice in its school of education and fine arts. Regardless of

program and department, university courses on arts and politics abound. In the Fall of 2010

alone, NYU offered over twenty courses, across four schools and colleges, exploring the

interconnections between arts, politics and social activism. This academic interest has prompted

a slew of recent books on arts and activism, with a cursory search on Amazon.com under “art

and activism” returning a staggering 1,345 results.

Museums curate entire exhibitions around the practice. In recent years, in New York City alone,

the Brooklyn Museum staged their monumental AgitProp show, the Whitney Museum, offered

up An Incomplete History Of Protest, and the Museum of the City of New York hosted AIDS at

Home, Art and Everyday Activism. Over the past decade, the Queens Museum has centered their

curatorial and educational mission around socially engaged arts, while Creative Time, the

1

“Artistic Activism,” a term first popularized in scholarship by Chantal Mouffe and in the field by the Center for

Artistic Activism, goes by many names: political art, creative activism, activist art, artivism socially engaged arts,

social practice arts, community based arts, artivism, arte útil, etc., each with slightly different emphases, and a

different place on the art/activism spectrum. What unites them all is the mobilization of both affect and effect.

2

ambitious NYC-based arts institution, organizes yearly “summits” which bring together artistic

activists from around the world. Around the world, from the Disobedient Objects show at the

Victoria and Albert Museum in London to The Art of Disruptions at Iziko South African

National Gallery, arts and activism has become an integral part of the arts scene. No global

Biennale is complete these days without its “social interventions” and the requisite controversy

surrounding the place of activism in the art world.

More important than academic and artistic institutions, however, is the attention turned to the

artistic activism by NGOs and philanthropic funders. Large organizations like the Open Society

Foundations have created new programs like the Arts Exchange to integrate arts into all levels of

their social programming, and smaller foundations like A Blade of Grass, Compton,

Rauschenberg, Surdna, et al. have made the support of arts and activism central to their mission.

Research groups like Americans for the Art’s Animating Democracy, and The Culture Group

produce reports and user guides for a range of actors in the field. Training institutes like the

Center for Artistic Activism, Beautiful Trouble, The Yes Labs, Intelligent Mischief, Center for

Story-Based Strategies, Backbone Campaign, to list just a few US examples, work with activists

who aspire to create more like artists and artists who would like to strategize more like activists.

But probably most critical of all is the attention paid to the practice by activists themselves. It is

now common in global activist NGOs like Greenpeace to local grassroots groups working on

immigration reform such as the New Sanctuary Coalition in NYC to develop “creative

strategies” alongside more traditional legal, electoral and mobilization approaches

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3 years ago

Today, many college graduates find themselves unable to afford the costs of living on their own and, at least temporarily, live

zvonat [6]

there are still good relationships between families if theyre willing to take their child into their home without question

8 0

3 years ago