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Georgia [21]
3 years ago
10

Callie Torres impressed the judges so she will probably

English
2 answers:
qwelly [4]3 years ago
5 0

Answer:

dont add a comma

Explanation:

Amiraneli [1.4K]3 years ago
4 0

Answer:

Add a Comma

Explanation:

Callie Torres impressed the judges <em><u>,</u></em> so she will probably

win the singing competition.

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4. Downtime was do to a problem with the convyor.
This sentence should read, "Downtime was DUE to a problem with the conveyor."
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The first person Macbeth kills is Macdonwald
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Essay On Hunger Games
Goshia [24]

Answer:                          Hunger Games Essay

the book The Hunger Games by Suzanne Collins follows a miss named Katniss Everdeen. She lives in an exceedingly futuristic nation called Panem, which is go by an all-powerful government called the Capitol. Located within the center of Panem, the Capitol rules over a complete of twelve districts that surround and serve the people living within the Capitol. Katniss lives in District twelve, which is that the poorest district stuffed with poverty. She struggles with providing for her family on a daily, while those living within the Capitol and other districts have an abundance of food and supplies. This division among the various groups, or the category system, will be divided into three separate parts, the social class, the center class, and also the socio-economic class.

The wealthiest class is that the Capitol, which rules indefinitely over all of the districts. The districts must provide for the Capitol, and participate within the annual hunger games, which was created for the aim of “reminding [the districts] how totally [they] are at their mercy”. Unlike the people of the districts, the Capitol people don't need to worry about not having enough food; they need an “endless banquet that has been set for them”. The people of the Capitol are trained to think that “everything is about them” and are oblivious to the actual fact that others are suffering. The Capitol is therefore at the highest of the category system.

The middle class consists of the rich districts. Though they, just like the poor districts, are obliged to follow the orders of the capitol, they're specially treated. they need an abundance of food and material goods. They “have been fed and trained throughout their lives” and haven't had to fret about not having anything just like the less favored districts.

The social class consists of the poor districts. Katniss herself lives in District twelve, the poorest of all the districts. For Katniss especially, it's difficult to produce food on a day to day. Katniss must spend “days hunting and gathering for this one meal”. For the poorest people in district twelve “it's hard to not resent people who do not have to sign on for the tesserae”, which may be a grain given to people who are starving. But when given tesserae, the person’s name is entered a second time into the the hunger games. Unlike the people within the capitol who spend all of their time trying to appear fit, “in District 12, looking old are some things of an achievement since such a large amount of people die early.”

The class system within the hunger games is ready up into three different sections, the class, the center class and also the class. The ruling class, the Capitol, is that the most wealthy and both governs and controls the center class, the rich districts, and class, the opposite districts. The Capitol reminds the districts of their power with the annual Hunger Games.

8 0
3 years ago
write full instructions you will give to ruth golden on how to adapt in a new envrionment of Sophiatown​
Elenna [48]

Answer:

A new post-conflict chapter characterized not by bigotry but by national unity is being written in South Africa. Playing a key role in the rewriting, representation, and remembering of the past is the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission which, in 1996, started the process of officially documenting human rights violations during the years 1960-1993. This nation-building discourse of reconciliation, endorsed by both the present government and South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), has been a crucial agent of a new collective memory after the trauma of apartheid. But the confession of apartheid crimes proved beneficial mostly for perpetrators in search of amnesty rather than a genuine interest in a rehabilitated society. Thus, the amnesty system did very little to advance reconciliation. It is for these reasons that the South African TRC was cynically regarded by its critics as a fiasco, a "Kleenex commission" that turned human suffering into theatrical spectacle watched all over the world. There is, in fact, little that is "new" or "post" in a country that retains apartheid features of inequity. What is often overlooked in this prematurely celebratory language of reconciliation is South Africa's interregnum moment. Caught between two worlds, South Africans are confronted with Antonio Gramsci's conundrum that can be specifically applied to the people of this region: an old order that is dying and not yet dead and a new order that has been conceived but not yet born. And in this interregnum, Gramsci argues, "a great variety of morbid symptoms appear" (276). Terms like "new South Africa" and "rainbow nation," popularized by former president F.W. de Klerk and Desmond Tutu, the former chairperson of the TRC respectively, then, not only ignore the "morbid" aspects of South Africa's bloody road to democracy, but also inaccurately suggest a break with the past. This supposed historical rupture belies the continuities of apartheid.

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