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anygoal [31]
3 years ago
8

After breaking up with his girlfriend scott remarked 'i guess she wasn't my true love. i should have known it from the beginning

, it took us a while to really click and we had too many things standing in the way of our relationship.' it is likely scott is high in
Social Studies
1 answer:
xeze [42]3 years ago
7 0
Scott is high in destiny beliefs because he believes in thinks like destiny in where he thought that the person he is with is his true love that they will likely end up together. Destiny beliefs also focuses in things that has a connection with love and relationships in which Scott shows as he says the quoted sentence above.
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How was christianity spread throughout the roman empier soon after the death of jesus
snow_tiger [21]

At first, Christians were considered pagans and suferred persecutionwithin the Roman Empire, where they remained loyal to their politeistic cult.

This was the situation until the arrival of Emperor Constantine the Great to power, who ruled between the years 306 and 337 AD. He was the first emperor that converted to the Christian faith, almost in his deathbed. However, he had previously influenced the enactment of the Edict of Milan in 313, that implemented religious tolerance and the end of persecutions of Christians within the borders of the Empire.

5 0
3 years ago
An excess of nutrients in water can be the result of
Mars2501 [29]

Answer:

Nutrient pollution is the process where too many nutrients, mainly nitrogen and phosphorus, are added to bodies of water and can act like fertilizer, causing excessive growth of algae. Nutrients can run off of land in urban areas where lawn and garden fertilizers are used.

6 0
3 years ago
How did Georgia’s political leaders feel about the Civil
Leya [2.2K]

Answer:

The civil rights movement in the

American South was one of the most significant and successful social movements in the modern world. Black Georgians formed part of this southern movement for full civil rights and the wider national struggle for racial equality. From Atlanta to the most rural counties in Georgia's southwest Cotton Belt, Black activists protested white supremacy in myriad ways—from legal challenges and mass demonstrations to strikes and self-defense. In many ways, the results were remarkable. As late as World War II (1941-45) Black Georgians were effectively denied the vote, segregated in most areas of daily life, and subject to persistent discrimination and violence. But by 1965, sweeping federal civil rights legislation prohibited segregation and discrimination, and this new phase of race relations was first officially welcomed into Georgia by Governor Jimmy Carter in 1971.

Early Years of Protest

Although the southern civil rights movement first made national headlines in the 1950s and 1960s, the struggle for racial equality in America had begun long before. Indeed, resistance to institutionalized white supremacy dates back to the formal establishment of segregation in the late nineteenth century. Community leaders in Savannah and Atlanta protested the segregation of public transport at the turn of the century, and individual and community acts of resistance to white domination abounded across the state even during the height of lynching and repression. Atlanta washerwomen, for example, joined together to strike for better pay, and Black residents often kept guns to fight off the Ku Klux Klan.

Around the turn of the century

political leader and African Methodist Episcopal bishop Henry McNeal Turner was an avid supporter of back-to-Africa programs. Marcus Garvey's Back to Africa movement in the 1920s gained support among Georgia African Americans, as did other national organizations later, such as the Communist Party and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Meanwhile, Black Georgians established schools, churches, and social institutions within their separate communities as bulwarks against everyday racism and discrimination.

Protest during the World War II Era

The 1940s marked a major change in Georgia's civil rights struggle. The New Deal and World War II precipitated major economic changes in the state, hastening urbanization, industrialization, and the decline of the power of the planter elite. Emboldened by their experience in the army, Black veterans confronted white supremacy, and riots were common on Georgia's army bases. Furthermore, the political tumult of the World War II era, as the nation fought for democracy in Europe, presented an ideal opportunity for African American leaders to press for racial change in the South. As some Black leaders pointed out, the notorious German leader Adolf Hitler gave racism a bad name.

African Americans across Georgia seized the opportunity. In 1944 Thomas Brewer, a medical doctor in Columbus,

planned an attempt to vote in the July 4, 1944, Democratic primary. Primus King, whom Brewer recruited to actually attempt the vote, was turned away from the ballot box. Several other African American men were turned away at the door. The following year a legal challenge (King v. Chapman et al.) to the Democratic Party's ruling that only white men could vote in the Democratic primary was successful. The decision was upheld in 1946. In response, Black registration across the state rose from a negligible number to some 125,000 within a few months—by far the highest registration total in any southern state. In the larger cities, notably Atlanta, Macon, and Savannah, local Black leaders used their voting power to elect more moderate officials, forcing concessions

7 0
3 years ago
Assess the role of artists as political activists
labwork [276]

Answer:

Explanation:

Several years ago we had the good fortune to ask the renowned activist artist Hans Haacke a

question:

How can you know when what you’ve done works?

He thought for a moment, and then replied,

I’ve been asked that question many times, and that question requires one to go around it

before one really avoids it.

Haacke’s response was meant to be humorous, but beneath it lay a serious problem: a general

aversion to conceptualizing the relationship between art, activism and social change. To be fair,

on the spectrum of artistic activism Haacke’s place is more toward the pole of the artist, and thus

his refusal to be pinned down by such a question merely conforms to the modern tradition that

valorizes art’s autonomy from society. Yet, even as we slide down the scale from expressive

artist to the more instrumental activist, the answer to the questions of how artistic activism works

to bring about social change and how to assess that impact remains elusive.1

This is a shaky foundation upon which to construct a rapidly growing field. Art schools have

devoted whole programs to the practice of arts and activism. Since Portland State University

launched the first of such programs, Art & Social Practice in 2007, the School of Visual Arts in

New York has added a department of Art Practice; CalArts: Social Practice & Public Forms; and

Queens College: Art & Social Action. New York University has two graduate programs devoted

to the intersection of arts and activism: Arts Politics in its performing arts school, and Art,

Education and Community Practice in its school of education and fine arts. Regardless of

program and department, university courses on arts and politics abound. In the Fall of 2010

alone, NYU offered over twenty courses, across four schools and colleges, exploring the

interconnections between arts, politics and social activism. This academic interest has prompted

a slew of recent books on arts and activism, with a cursory search on Amazon.com under “art

and activism” returning a staggering 1,345 results.

Museums curate entire exhibitions around the practice. In recent years, in New York City alone,

the Brooklyn Museum staged their monumental AgitProp show, the Whitney Museum, offered

up An Incomplete History Of Protest, and the Museum of the City of New York hosted AIDS at

Home, Art and Everyday Activism. Over the past decade, the Queens Museum has centered their

curatorial and educational mission around socially engaged arts, while Creative Time, the

1

“Artistic Activism,” a term first popularized in scholarship by Chantal Mouffe and in the field by the Center for

Artistic Activism, goes by many names: political art, creative activism, activist art, artivism socially engaged arts,

social practice arts, community based arts, artivism, arte útil, etc., each with slightly different emphases, and a

different place on the art/activism spectrum. What unites them all is the mobilization of both affect and effect.

2

ambitious NYC-based arts institution, organizes yearly “summits” which bring together artistic

activists from around the world. Around the world, from the Disobedient Objects show at the

Victoria and Albert Museum in London to The Art of Disruptions at Iziko South African

National Gallery, arts and activism has become an integral part of the arts scene. No global

Biennale is complete these days without its “social interventions” and the requisite controversy

surrounding the place of activism in the art world.

More important than academic and artistic institutions, however, is the attention turned to the

artistic activism by NGOs and philanthropic funders. Large organizations like the Open Society

Foundations have created new programs like the Arts Exchange to integrate arts into all levels of

their social programming, and smaller foundations like A Blade of Grass, Compton,

Rauschenberg, Surdna, et al. have made the support of arts and activism central to their mission.

Research groups like Americans for the Art’s Animating Democracy, and The Culture Group

produce reports and user guides for a range of actors in the field. Training institutes like the

Center for Artistic Activism, Beautiful Trouble, The Yes Labs, Intelligent Mischief, Center for

Story-Based Strategies, Backbone Campaign, to list just a few US examples, work with activists

who aspire to create more like artists and artists who would like to strategize more like activists.

But probably most critical of all is the attention paid to the practice by activists themselves. It is

now common in global activist NGOs like Greenpeace to local grassroots groups working on

immigration reform such as the New Sanctuary Coalition in NYC to develop “creative

strategies” alongside more traditional legal, electoral and mobilization approaches

5 0
3 years ago
List the significant information considered in each of the 4 areas of a general survey—physical appearance, body structure, mobi
iogann1982 [59]
First lets start with physical appearance which would include of course age and the sex of a person. Also the the facial features and skin are important in describing an individual as well as level of consciousness.

Significant information for body structure would include body build as well as contour and stature. Symmetry and position and as well as nutrition likewise provide significant information.

Mobility usually refers to range of motions person exhibits and their gait, which provides information how person walks, runs and  does other such activities. 

Behavior has many significant information such as facial expressions and mood and affect. These can be a seen also as  a part of nonverbal communication and thus provide a wealth of information. Speech also contains many information as well as how someone dresses. Personal hygiene is also a factor here.
5 0
3 years ago
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