Answer: The Zionist movement began and led to the settlement and creation of modern Israel.
Details:
Anti-Semitism was strong in Europe already in the Middle Ages, when Jews were accused of such things as spreading the plague by poisoning wells, or using the blood of murdered Christians to make the matzah for their Passover rituals. The term "anti-Semitism" as a description for hostile opposition to the Jewish people was first used by Wilhelm Marr in 1879 in Germany. Marr supported campaigns against Jews and began using the term "anti-Semitism" as a euphemism for what better might have been called "Jew-hating."
The main Zionist movement was largely secular in nature, focused on establishing a homeland for anyone of Jewish ethnicity. Theodore Herzl is typically credited with getting the secular Zionist movement started with his book, <em>Der Judenstaat </em>("The Jews' State), published in 1896. Herzl also led in the founding of the World Zionist Organization, established by the First World Zionist Congress held in Switzerland in 1897. Convinced that the Jews would never truly be welcomed or assimilated within the countries of Europe, Herzl argued for establishment of their own homeland somewhere. Eventually that "somewhere" became a movement focused on going back to the ancestral land of Israel.
The answer is B. You're welcome.
The correct answer to this question is "The population decreased slightly then increased rapidly." This is the impact Andrew Jackson had on the Native American population of the southern states. Thank you for posting your question. I hope that this answer helped you. Let me know if you need more help.
Soviet Union, United States, and Great Britain. Nazi Germany was a part of the Axis Powers.
Answer:
Mark as brainliest
Explanation:
symbolic presence in international legal accounts of the 19th century, but for historians of the era its importance has often been doubted. This article seeks to re-interpret the place of the Berlin General Act in late 19th-century history, suggesting that the divergence of views has arisen largely as a consequence of an inattentiveness to the place of systemic logics in legal regimes of this kind.
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Articles
INTRODUCTION
The Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884-1885 has assumed a canonical place in historical accounts of late 19th-century imperialism 1 and this is no less true of the accounts provided by legal scholars seeking to trace the colonial origins of contemporary international law. 2 The overt purpose of the Conference was to ‘manage’ the ongoing process of colonisation in Africa (the ‘Scramble’ as it was dubbed by a Times columnist) so as to avoid the outbreak of armed conflict between rival colonial powers. Its outcome was the conclusion of a General Act 3 ratified by all major colonial powers including the US. 4 Among other things, the General Act set out the conditions under which territory might be acquired on the coast of Africa; it internationalised two rivers (the Congo and the Niger); it orchestrated a new campaign to abolish the overland trade in slaves; and it declared as ‘neutral’ a vast swathe of Central Africa delimited as the ‘conventional basin of the Congo’. A side event was the recognition given to King Leopold’s fledgling Congo Free State that had somewhat mysteriously emerged out of the scientific and philanthropic activities of the Association internationale du Congo . 5
If for lawyers and historians the facts of the Conference are taken as a common starting point, this has not prevented widely divergent interpretations of its significance from emerging. On one side, one may find an array of international lawyers, from John Westlake 6 in the 19th century to Tony Anghie 7 in the 21 st century, affirming the importance of the Conference and its General Act for having created a legal and political framework for the subsequent partition of Africa. 8 For Anghie, Berlin ‘transformed Africa into a conceptual terra nullius ’, silencing native resistance through the subordination of their claims to sovereignty, and providing, in the process, an effective ideology of colonial rule. It was a conference, he argues, ‘which determined in important ways the future of the continent and which continues to have a profound influence on the politics of contemporary Africa’. 9