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Seven decades after the end of World War II and a quarter-century after the end of the Cold War, roughly seven-in-ten Americans see Germany as a reliable ally, and about six-in-ten Germans trust the United States, according to a Pew Research Center survey. A majority of Germans believe it is more important for Germany to have strong ties with the United States than with Russia. Germans also give U.S. President Barack Obama high marks for his management of the U.S.-German relationship. And Germans and Americans are equally wary of international entanglements and want their countries to focus on domestic problems.
But Germans and Americans do not see eye-to-eye on salient points in the history of the postwar alliance, nor about some of the key issues in its future. For Americans, the most important event in U.S.-German relations over the past 75 years remains World War II and the Holocaust. Germans are less unanimous in their views of historical importance, but to the extent that one event stands out it is the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall. In the eyes of most Americans, the “special relationship” with Britain is still stronger than that with Germany. Americans want Germany to play a more active military role in the world, but Germans emphatically disagree. Americans think that neither the European Union nor the U.S. is being tough enough in dealing with Russia on the issue of Ukraine. A plurality of Germans believes the handling of Russia is about right. And, while half of Americans voice the view that a free trade agreement between the EU and the U.S. would be a good thing, only about four-in-ten Germans agree.
These are among the main findings of Pew Research Center surveys conducted in the U.S. among 1,003 people from February 26 to March 1, 2015, and in Germany among 963 people February 24-25, 2015. All interviews were done by telephone. The survey was conducted in association with the Bertelsmann Foundation.
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One specific pattern of response was resistance. Many societies tried to stand up to imperial states but were unsuccessful and proved no match to the strong industrialized imperial states. Colonized societies also responded by putting together rebellions, such as the Boxer Rebellion and Taiping Rebellion in China.
Joseph Stalin was a strong, ambitious, brutal, and practical state-man, a man of action and politics. Stalin, born under the name of Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili, of Georgian and poor origin, was raised as a street boy by a drunken and violent father. He forged a strong character and a corpulent body, without a very persuasive speech, although a very clever mind. He was patient and reflexive, very smart for politics. Stalin wanted very well trained and disciplined revolutionary professionals, a body of bureaucrats for the Soviet Union.
Lev Trotsky was totally the opposite. Born under the name of Lev Davidovich Bronstein, son of wealthy landowner Jewish parents, he developed a distinguished and very well educated character, he was elegant, but also fanatic enough to lead the masses. Unlike Stalin, he was not only a politician but also a Marxist intellectual and was less methodic and patient than Stalin. Trotsky wanted a not very well organized party of masses and the triumph of the permanent revolution. He wanted to export the revolution worldwide and not keep it limited to one country only.
Vladimir Lenin, born under the name of Vladimir Ilich Ulianov, was in the middle between both characters. He was the basis of the Russian Revolution. He had brilliant political intelligence and ambition, and he was a Marxist intellectual as well. After his death in 1924, the movement was divided between Trotsky and Stalin, and finally, the Soviet Union was lead by Stalin who sent Trotsky to exile. Trotsky died in 1949, killed by spies sent by Stalin to Mexico, where Trotsky was exiled.
Answer: Lecture, Discussion, and Socratic Dialogue.
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