<em><u>Political machines became popular in poor, immigrant neighborhoods because the machine would promise jobs and housing to immigrants as they entered...</u></em>
Answer:
1. I broke my promise of buying my younger one an Ice-cream when she recovered from her illness. I rather bought her a toy.
2. I lied about not knowing the whereabouts of a man who was to be punished for belonging to a particular religion.
Explanation:
1. The moral theory of utilitarianism will justify the first scenario. This theory states that an action or policy is right if it maximizes happiness or results in the greater good of society. The action I took in the first case resulted in the greater good of my sister because a cup of ice cream would not be healthy for her who was just recovering from an illness. Therefore, that decision was for her greater good.
2. The Deontology theory that states that having a morally justifiable intent is better than obtaining the right results will justify my action. For me, it was not morally right that a man should be punished for his religion and that superseded telling the truth about the man's whereabouts.
im only answering so u can give the other guy the brainliest
ur welcome dude. u earned it
B.
The Europeans discovered North and South America.
Answer:
Leaders of the established 1966 military coup, including army officers Colonel E.K. Kotoka, Major A. A. Afrifa, Lieutenant General (retired) J. A. Ankrah, and Police Inspector General J.W.K. Harlley, justified their takeover by charging that the CPP administration was abusive and corrupt. They were equally disturbed by Kwame Nkrumah's aggressive involvement in African politics and by his belief that Ghanaian troops could be sent anywhere in Africa to fight so-called liberation wars, even though they never did so. Above all, they pointed to the absence of democratic practices in the nation—a situation they claimed had affected the morale of the armed forces. According to General Kotoka, the military coup of 1966 was a nationalist one because it liberated the nation from Nkrumah's dictatorship—a declaration that was supported by Alex Quaison Sackey, Nkrumah's former minister of foreign affairs.[1]
Despite the vast political changes that were brought about by the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah, many problems remained. For example, the underlying ethnic and regional divisions within the society had to be addressed. The apparent spirit of national unity that seemed to have developed during the Nkrumah years turned out to have resulted in part from his coercive powers as well as from his charisma. As a consequence, successive new leaders faced the problem of forging disparate personal, ethnic, and sectional interests into a nation with shared identity and interests. The economic burdens, aggravated by what some[who?] described as past extravagance, crippled each future government's ability to foster the rapid development needed to satisfy even minimal popular demands for a better life. The fear of a resurgence of an overly strong central authority continued to dominate the constitutional agenda and to pervade the thinking of many educated, politically minded Ghanaians. Others, however, felt that a strong government was essential.[1]
A considerable portion of the population had become convinced that effective, honest government was incompatible with competitive political parties. Many Ghanaians remained committed to non-political leadership for the nation, even in the form of military rule. The problems of the Busia administration, the country's first elected government after Nkrumah's fall, illustrated the problems Ghana would continue to face.[1
