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shepuryov [24]
3 years ago
14

Please help bffbgfg5vrvtvt

History
1 answer:
brilliants [131]3 years ago
6 0
B I did something like this before
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Economic problems for farmers started before the Great Depression.<br> a. True<br> b. False
kondaur [170]
False the only reason they had problems was because ppl were in need of jobs and you don't need that many ppl to farm
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3 years ago
After a bill is introduced where does it go?
e-lub [12.9K]
The answer is

- When a bill passes in the House and Senate and is sent to the President for a signature, it is said to be enrolled. ... If Congress is in session, the bill automatically becomes law after ten days. A pocket veto occurs when the president takes no action and Congress has adjourned its session.

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3 years ago
1. While analyzing the global impact between the world's two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, discuss the po
melomori [17]

Answer:

In general, the main causes of the Cold War were:

  • the whole context of World War II;
  • attempt to expand socialism as an economic model;
  • search, by the USA, to consolidate capitalism.

The entire conflict was then based on the search for the hegemony of an economic and political model that was valid for the entire planet. The USA was threatened by the force of socialism, which had strong names like China and the Soviet Union, who also did not like to watch the advance of capitalism.

Explanation:

To understand the context of the Cold War, we must first dedicate ourselves to studying the background of this historic event. It all started with the end of World War II, which culminated in the defeat of Germany and its allies and the victory of the axis that included Russia and the United States of America.

The United States profited greatly from the war and thus became a major economic power, even stronger than it was before. Russia (then called the Soviet Union thanks to its agglutination with neighboring nations), whose territory was spared the great destruction of the war, emerged as an important area of ​​influence in Europe.

The starting point of this conflict was the Truman Doctrine, which sought to isolate the Soviet Union economically, reducing its area of ​​influence globally. The Marshall Plan was also of significant importance in the period, acting as an economic aid plan for European countries affected by the war.

In response, the Soviet Union created its own measures to circumvent the situations imposed by the Americans. Among them, we can mention Comecon (an aid to socialist countries, similar to the Marshall Plan) and Kuominform, the union of all European communist parties.

The Cold War was also marked by the development of economic and military blocs and alliances. In most cases, this was done by the United States, in an attempt to stop the expansion of socialism on the planet. The most important bloc of the period is the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), created in 1949. In response, the USSR created the Warsaw Pact.

After the 1960s, tensions between the blocks eased, which was only quickly interrupted by events such as the Missile Crisis. Internally, however, things were not going very well for any of the leading nations, especially for Russia, which faced serious problems with countries seeking to emancipate themselves from their domination.

Excessive military spending and economic problems began to indicate that the socialist bloc would not last for many more years. For this reason, a new leader of the bloc began to implement a series of transitional reforms, seeking to relocate the USSR internationally and to bring relations with the USA closer together. Thus, in 1991, the Cold War came to an end.

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3 years ago
What were Bill Clinton's achievements during his presidency?
GrogVix [38]
A. He Balanced the national budget
C. He supported welfare reform bill
3 0
3 years ago
Read 2 more answers
Why might violence be tempting to activists? Why might it be risky to their movements?
Neko [114]

Answer:

We agree with a number of Thaler’s points. First, he is right to question those on the outside who tell activists what to do or offer strategic or tactical advice. Local activists know their context best, and specific instructions from outside actors can place activists at great risk. People struggling under such conditions often say they learn the most from being in touch with other activists. But when activists approach scholars or practitioners for information or resources, it is crucial to make sure that a broad range of experience and evidence are publicly available and accessible. That was the purpose of a recent event hosted by the United States Institute of Peace that featured various scholarly and activist perspectives on how movements respond to repression.

Second, we appreciate how the article highlights the role of human agency in the struggle against authoritarianism and other forms of oppression. Civil resistance offers a way for marginalized and excluded groups to wage struggle using a wide range of direct-action tactics that can be used to disrupt injustices and challenge the status quo. It is more than simply an ideal or a normative preference. We also recognize that when activists seek out support or information, they decide for themselves whether the information is relevant to their context, or whether to discard it.

Third, we share his denunciation of repressive state violence targeting unarmed civilian dissenters. It is a regrettable reality that states often respond to those who challenge state power with violent repression, regardless of which methods of resistance they use. This state violence should never be normalized, nor should false moral equivalences or “both sides”-type narratives be tolerated. Outside actors should stand in solidarity with those fighting oppression and prioritize actions that protect fundamental human rights and mitigate violence targeting unarmed dissidents.

Yet we differ on other important points. First, critics often claim that nonviolence is part of a Western hegemonic discourse that reinforces the legitimacy of state violence while simultaneously encouraging oppressed people to carry the unfair burden of good behavior under crushing conditions. Discourses advocating nonviolent resistance are in no way hegemonic, nor are they Western in origin. Over the millennia, states and nonstate groups have justified violence on the basis of its necessity, used cultural relativism as a way to prevent critiques of violence, and persecuted, imprisoned, and executed those who have advocated nonviolent approaches, which threaten two hegemonic discourses—the state’s monopoly on power, and the normalcy and necessity of violence.

Nonviolent resistance has been a counterhegemonic force that challenges both of these dominant discourses. The technique was developed and embraced by people living under colonial regimes throughout the global south, as well as by marginalized and oppressed communities within the West. Despite their views that violence was preferable to passivity, practitioners such as Mohandas Gandhi and Badshah Khan saw mass civil resistance as the only way for them to challenge the violence of Western imperialism on pragmatic grounds. Over the course of the past century, the technique spread from the global south to the United States and Europe, where people fighting racism, sexism, poverty, war, authoritarianism, and economic inequality have seen the strategic value of fighting structural violence by building and wielding inclusive power from below using nonviolent resistance.

Activists from around the world continue to make arguments about the strategic utility of nonviolent resistance, without any nudging from Westerners or Western researchers. Protesters facing a massive crackdown in Baghdad attempted to maintain nonviolent discipline by shouting “Peaceful! Peaceful!” while under fire from security forces. Women in Lebanon have organized human chains to maintain nonviolent discipline in the ongoing movement there, which is now in a particularly delicate phase. Dissidents associated with the Sudanese Revolution insisted on maintaining a remarkable level of nonviolent discipline, despite bloody crackdowns attempting to throw the transition into disarray. And in Algeria, the ongoing movement there has remained both disruptive and restrained in its use of violence.

Our book, Why Civil Resistance Works, presents evidence that mass, broad-based participation is critical to movement success and that movements that rely primarily on nonviolent tactics tend to enjoy more diverse participation, which in turn yields a number of political advantages for the campaign. Updated analyses reinforce these earlier findings, and other research helps to unpack these dynamics at a more granular level.

Explanation:

5 0
2 years ago
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