The process wherein it involves the circulation of questionnaires among the group members about a specific problem that they want to tackle is termed as the Delphi Technique. The group members should share the results within the circle then they should continue to recirculate and refine individual responses until a consensus regarding the problem is reached.
Having the direct opposite technique with the nominal group technique or the brainstorming, Delphi technique does not require group members to meet face to face.
These are the steps in taking the Delphi technique. The first step is identifying the problem. Next is, the group members shall then be asked to offer their solutions anonymously. They should answer the carefully designed questionnaires. Third, all the answers of all the members are then compiled and are also sent to all members in the group. After each of the members has already carefully evaluated each of the group member’s answers, they are then asked to generate new individual solutions. Lastly, until a consensus problem solution is arrived, steps 3 and 4 will be done repeatedly.
The advantage of practicing the Delphi technique is they do not have to meet face to face. This is important to those members who are geographically separated or to those who are too busy to meet.
They imposed unfair taxes like the Stamp Act, and did not allow the colonists any representatives in Parliament. Also, they were occupied by British soldiers who they had to feed and share their home with.
E
Explanation:
Hoffman Air Force Base is near Albuquerque New Mexico and has served as a site for development of guided missiles for long. It was a significant place in World War two efforts after being established inn 1942.
<u>It was at this base that most of the research on the atomic bomb was conducted in secrecy and has been housing nuclear weapons ever since that time.</u>
Development of the primary artillery engineering for the dispatch of the bomb was also done here.
Bolivar stood apart from his class in ideas, values and vision. Who else would be found in the midst of a campaign swinging in a hammock, reading the French philosophers? His liberal education, wide reading, and travels in Europe had broadened his horizons and opened his mind to the political thinkers of France and Britain. He read deeply in the works of Hobbes and Spinoza, Holbach and Hume; and the thought of Montesquieu and Rousseau left its imprint firmly on him and gave him a life-long devotion to reason, freedom and progress. But he was not a slave of the Enlightenment. British political virtues also attracted him. In his Angostura Address (1819) he recommended the British constitution as 'the most worthy to serve as a model for those who desire to enjoy the rights of man and all political happiness compatible with our fragile nature'. But he also affirmed his conviction that American constitutions must conform to American traditions, beliefs and conditions.
His basic aim was liberty, which he described as "the only object worth the sacrifice of man's life'. For Bolivar liberty did not simply mean freedom from the absolutist state of the eighteenth century, as it did for the Enlightenment, but freedom from a colonial power, to be followed by true independence under a liberal constitution. And with liberty he wanted equality – that is, legal equality – for all men, whatever their class, creed or colour. In principle he was a democrat and he believed that governments should be responsible to the people. 'Only the majority is sovereign', he wrote; 'he who takes the place of the people is a tyrant and his power is usurpation'. But Bolivar was not so idealistic as to imagine that South America was ready for pure democracy, or that the law could annul the inequalities imposed by nature and society. He spent his whole political life developing and modifying his principles, seeking the elusive mean between democracy and authority. In Bolivar the realist and idealist dwelt in uneasy rivalry.
