The answer is two generations is to three or more generations.
Nuclear family is a type of family who consist of a couple and children with typically larger amount compared to an average family.
This type of family pre-dominantly live in suburban area where most families have enough space to sheltered a lot of children.
<span>Equity financing is the main alternative to debt freeing business owners from owing money. There is no loan to pay off. I think this is the drawback.</span>
Answer:
He then graduated to full-blown espionage in the summer of 1781, when he infiltrated Charles Cornwallis's camp by posing as a runaway slave loyal to the British. He proved so convincing in the undercover role, that Cornwallis eventually enlisted him to work as a British spy
Explanation:
Cornwallis surrendered October 19, 1781
News outlets should always make sure to report on stories from multiple sources and angles in as objective a way as possible.
<u>Explanation</u>:
People generally trust the news media as it focuses on delivering the news to common public or a target public. The purpose of the news media is to report or deliver the news gathered by the reporter to the public. The news should be trustworthy.
The news should be delivered in such a way that it would not influence the judgment of people. People don’t involve in direct conversation with government. Only media interacts with the government and act as an agent of political socialization, so the information should be always checked in multiple ways to ensure its trueness.
Answer:
The empirical study of democratic regimes in the last fifty years has focused on the question of what makes for stable democracies.[1] Various hypotheses have been put forward and tested about the social and political conditions under which democratic regimes come to be or to endure. A presupposition of most of this research is that democratic regimes are particularly fragile. The supposition that democracies are fragile probably has a number of sources. The frightening experience of the descent of European democracies into fascism and communism is perhaps the most important. But we can also find support for this presupposition in the evident fragility of democratic regimes in the less developed world. And, standing behind these events, is the long standing tradition in political philosophy—and especially, in pre-modern political thought—of disparaging democracy and warning that it is likely to lead to tyranny.
We do not dispute the notion that democratic regimes are fragile. But we observe that all political regimes are fragile. Political stability is by no means the norm in human history. The question thus becomes whether democratic regimes are more fragile than authoritarian regimes. This, we believe, remains a much ignored and thus open question.
The aim of this paper is to present a preliminary exploration of this issue. We present some initial empirical data that address the relative stability of authoritarian and democratic regimes. But, before we begin to attempt to test the hypothesis that democratic regimes are at least as stable than authoritarian ones, if not more so, we must first answer some preliminary questions about the conceptual and operational definitions of the notions of democracy, authoritarianism and stability. This is the task of parts II and III of the paper. We more briefly discuss our data and statistical methods in parts IV and V of the paper and present some initial results in part VI. We begin, in part I, with some theoretical reasons for thinking that democratic regimes might be quite as stable as authoritarian ones.
Explanation: